?A 

6278 


1892. 


UC-NRLF 


THE  LIBRARY 

OF 

THE  UNIVERSITY 
OF  CALIFORNIA 

IN  MEMORY  OF 

PROFESSOR  WILLIAM  MERRILL 

AND 
MRS.  IMOGENE  MERRILL 


BINDI 
NtS 


1  Intercollegiate  ILatin  Series 


M.  TULLI  CICERONIS  ORATIONES  ET  EPISTOLAE  SELECTAE 

r        SELECTED 
ORATIONS  AND  LETTERS 

OF 


ICICEKO 

I — —  / 


' 


WITH  HISTORICAL  INTRODUCTION,  AN  OUTLINE  OF  THE  ROMAN  CON- 
STITUTION, NOTES,  EXCURSUSES,  VOCABULARY,  AND  INDEX 


HAROLD  W.    JOHNSTON,    PH.D. 

PROFESSOR  OF  LATIN  IN   ILLINOIS  COLLEGE,   AND  LATE   PRINCIPAL  OF 
WH1PPLE  ACADEMY 


CHICAGO 
ALBERT,    SCOTT    AND    CO. 

1892 


GIFT 


COPYRIGHT,  1891, 
BY  ALRERT,  SCOTT  &  Co. 


C.  J.  PETERS  &  SON, 

TYPOGRAPHERS  AND  ELECTROTYPERS. 

145  HIGH  STREET,  BOSTON,  U.S.A. 


THIS    BOOK    IS  DEDICATED    TO    MY    SUCCESSOR    IN 
WHIPPLE  ACADEMY, 

principal  Sosepl)  $1,  Barker,  2LJC, 

WITHOUT  WHOSE  ENCOURAGEMENT  IT  WOULD  NOT  HAVE  BEEN 

BEGUN,  AND  TO  WHOSE  PRACTICAL  KNOWLEDGE  OF  THE 

NEEDS  OF  SCHOOLS  IT  OWES  WHATEVER  MERIT 

AS  A  SCHOOL  BOOK  IT  MAY  POSSESS. 


PREFACE. 


THIS  edition  of  Cicero's  Orations  and  Letters  is  intended 
for  the  use  of  secondary  schools.  It  differs  in  several  respects 
from  those  already  in  general  use  and,  as  these  differences  are 
the  only  apology  for  its  publication,  I  desire  to  call  attention 
to  them  at  the  outset. 

I.  The  Selection  of  Orations  is  very  different  from  the 
usual  one,  and  the  Letters  have  not  before  been  published 
with  the  Orations.  Twelve  years'  experience  in  reading  Cicero 
with  pupils  of  from  thirteen  to  nineteen  years  of  age  has 
taught  me  that  their  chief  difficulty  in  understanding  the 
author  lies  on  the  historical  side.  To  read  understandingly 
the  orations  against  Verres,  for  the  Manilian  Law,  against 
Catiline,  for  Archias,  Milo  and  Marcellus,  and  against  Antony, 
even  in  chronological  order,  requires  a  more  minute  acquaint- 
ance with  Roman  history  than  the  average  schoolboy  possesses, 
and  the  case  is  worse  when  these  orations  are  read  in  order  of 
"  ease,"  "  merit,"  or  "  interest."  I  have,  therefore,  tried  to 
lessen  a  difficulty  which  I  could  not  wholly  remove,  by  limit- 
ing the  field  of  historical  study.  I  have  taken  the  Con- 
spiracy of  Catiline  as  the  main  theme,  following  it  up  with 
Cicero's  Exile  and  his  Feud  with  Clodius.  The  period  covered 
is  only  from  one-third  to  one-half  as  long  as  the  usual  one, 
and  is  the  most  interesting  in  the  life  of  Cicero.  The  orations 
given  are  arranged  in  chronological  order :  Against  Catiline, 


8  PREFACE. 


I.,  II.,  for  Murena,  against  Catiline,  III.,  IV.,  for  Sulla,  for 
Sestius,  and  for  Milo.  The  period  between  the  Sulla  and 
Sestius  is  covered  by  a  selection  of  twenty-three  Letters, 
equivalent  to  three  of  the  shorter  orations  usually  given. 
The  amount  of  text  is  greater  than  in  any  other  school  edition, 
and  the  student  will  find  in  the  specious  reasoning  of  the 
'  Sulla,  the  despairing  weakness  of  the  Letters,  and  the  passion- 
ate self-justification  of  the  Sestius,  better  material  for  an 
estimate  of  Cicero's  character  than  in  the  Manilian  Law,  the 
Archias,  the  Marcellus,  and  the  one  or  two  Philippics  which 
they  have  displaced^  In  the  text  edition,  however,  which 
accompanies  this,  I  have  included  the  Manilian  Law  and  the 
Archias  for  the  purpose  of  giving  material  for  reading  at 
sight  and  with  dictated  notes. 

II.  The  Introductory  Matter  is  much  fuller  than  in  similar 
books.  It  is  divided  into  two  parts :  The  first  contains  the 
life  of  Cicero  and  an  estimate  of  his  character,  together  with 
an  unusually  full  account  of  the  events  which  are  treated  of  in 
the  orations  and  letters  following.  The  second  part  contains 
an  outline  of  the  Roman  Constitution  as  it  was  in  Cicero's 
time.  It  has  seemed  to  me  better  to  put  this  matter  in  a 
connected  form,  however  imperfect  it  may  be,  than  to  scatter 
it  through  the  book  in  the  form  of  introductions  and  notes  to 
the  several  orations.  The  matter  is  divided  into  sections, 
which  are  numbered,  and  to  these  sections  reference  is  con- 
stantly made  in  the  notes.  The  teacher  should  have  the 
second  part  merely  read  over  in  the  class-room,  making  such 
explanations  and  adding  such  illustrations  as  may  be  neces- 
sary. The  first  part  should  then  be  assigned  for  study  in 
convenient  lessons  as  far  as  §  50  before  commencing  to  read 
the  first  oration  ;  the  rest  may  be  taken  in  order  as  directed 


PREFACE.  9 

in  the  notes  on  the  title  of  each  oration  and  letter.  The  con- 
stant references  in  the  notes  will  help  the  student  to  retain 
what  he  has  thus  learned  and  recited. 

III.  The  Text  presents  some  peculiarities.     I  have  adopted 
that  of  C.  F.  W.  Miiller  for  the  Orations,  and  A.  S.  Weseriberg 
for   the   Letters,   both   contained   in   the   former's   complete 
edition  of  Cicero's  works  in  Teubner's  series.     I  believe  that 
this  approaches  more  closely  than  any  other  to  what  Cicero 
actually  wrote.     But  as  printed  here,  the  following  changes 
should   be   noticed :    1.   Where   the    editors   supplied  words 
necessary  to  the  sense  but  lacking  in  the  MSS.  they  printed 
them  in  italics  —  I  have  left   them  undistinguished   by  the 
type.     2.  Where  the  editors  found  in  the  MSS.,  words  that 
they  did  not  think  Cicero's,  they  enclosed  them  in  brackets 

—  I  have  omitted  both  the  brackets  and  the  words.     3.  Where 
the  editors  found  passages  defective,  or  senseless  and  defying 
reconstruction,  they  marked  them  by  an  asterisk  or  an  obelisk 

—  I  have  omitted  all   such   passages   entirely.     With  these 
three  exceptions,  the  Teubner  text  is  here   given.     I   have 
made  these  changes  in  order  to  furnish  a  clear,  straightfor- 
ward,  readable    text,   which  would    make    unnecessary   the 
suggestion  or  discussion  of  various  readings. 

IV.  The  Notes  are  placed  upon  the  same  page  as  the  text, 
for  the   convenience   of  both   teachers   and   students,  but   a 
separate  text  is  furnished  to  prevent  the  improper  use  of  the 
notes  in  the  class-room.     These  notes  are  intended  to  assist 
the  pupil  in  the  harder  places,  and  to  call  his  attention  to 
such  matters  as  will  help  him  to  a  knowledge  of  the  Latin 
language  and  of  the  life  and  thought  of  the  men  who  used  it. 
.It  follows,  therefore,  that  they  are  to  be  studied  and  recited, 
not  merely  consulted  or  neglected   at   the   pleasure   of  the 


10  PREFACE. 

student.  Three  principles  have  been  carefully  regarded  in 
their  preparation :  1st.  They  are  brief  and  pointed,  and  their 
tone  is  positive.  In  the  many  places  where  scholars  disagree, 
and  certainty  is  impossible,  I  have  given  that  explanation 
only  which  seems  to  me  the  best,  without  a  hint  of  other 
possibilities.  The  discussion  which  is  so  stimulating  and 
profitable  in  college  classes,  I  believe  to  be  out  of  place  in  the 
preparatory  school.  2d.  It  is  assumed  that  what  is  once 
learned  will  be  retained,  and  no  notes  are  intentionally 
repeated.  When  an  illustration  occurs  of  a  usage  that  has 
already  been  explained  the  student  is  merely  referred  to  one 
or  more  passages  where  his  attention  has  been  called  to  it, 
a  key  word  (case,  mood,  tense,  etc.)  being  always  given  to 
assist  him  in  getting  the  point  desired.  The  teacher  should 
insist  upon  a  full  transcription  of  at  least  one  of  the  pas- 
sages cited,  with  an  explanation  of  the  principle  involved. 
3d.  Great  care  has  been  taken  in  making  references  to  other 
books  to  limit  these  to  such  books  as  each  student  must  and 
does  possess.  I  assume  that  he  has  a  Latin  Grammar  (Allen 
&  Greenough's,  Gildersleeve's,  Harkness',  or  Preble's  revision 
of  Andrews  &  Stoddard's),  a  school  History  of  Home  (Allen's, 
Creighton's,  Myers',  or  Pennell's)  and  an  edition  of  Caesar's 
Gallic  War,  I.-IV.  To  these  books  I  make  frequent  reference 
and  to  absolutely  no  others.  I  have  also  confined  quotations 
from  other  Latin  authors  to  the  four  books  of  Caesar,  which 
are  read  before  Cicero  is  begun,  and  to  a  few  passages  from 
Sallust  which  are  printed  in  extenso,  and  are  meant  to  be 
studied  in  connection  with  the  Orations  against  Catiline. 
Even  in  case  of  references  to  other  parts  of  this  book  the 
student  is  never  referred  to  a  passage  in  advance  of  the 
chapter  on  which  the  note  is  given  —  provided,  of  course,  that 


PREFACE.  11 

the  orations  and  letters  are  taken  as  arranged  in  the  book  and 
the  Introduction  as  suggested  above.  I  am  sure  that  these 
three  principles  are  pedagogically  sound,  whether  or  not  I 
have  successfully  applied  them. 

V.  The  Vocabulary  is  intended  to  contain  all  the  words 
found  in  the  text  here  given,  and  in  addition  all  those  in 
Verres  L,  Philippica  XIV.,  Archias,  Marcellus,  Deiotarus,  and 
the  Manilian  Law,  editions  of  which  I  hope  to  furnish  soon 
for  supplementary  reading.    I  shall  be  grateful  to  the  student 
who  will  call  my  attention  to  words  omitted. 

VI.  The  Index  will  be  found  useful  for  purposes  of  reference 
and  topical  study. 

VII.  Passages  for  Ketranslation  have  not  been  included 
in  the  book,  as  it  seemed  wisest  to  have  them  in  a  separate 
manual.     An  excellent   little   book   of   this   kind   has   been 
prepared  by  Professor  J.  D.  S.  Eiggs,  of  GranvilLe  Academy, 
whose  In  Latinum  has  already  been  introduced  into  many  of 
our  schools. 

No  claim  is  made  for  originality  in  the  matter  here  given. 
I  have  drawn  freely  from  all  sources  accessible  to  me,  chiefly 
English  and  German.  Besides  the  standard  Histories  of 
Home  and  Latin  Literature,  and  the  Dictionaries  of  An- 
tiquities, I  have  used  for  the  Introduction  the  biography  of 
Cicero  by  Trollope,  Gow's  Companion  to  School  Classics,  and 
the  introductions  to  the  editions  mentioned  below.  For  the 
Notes,  I  have  used  the  editions  of  the  several  orations  and 
letters  by  Halm  &  Laubmann,  and  Hofmann  &  Anderson  in 
Weidmann's  series,  by  Kichter,  Koch,  Eberhard,  Landgraf, 
and  Frey  in  Teubner's  series,  by  Hachtmann  and  Bouterwek 
in  the  Gotha  series,  by  Eeid,  Heitland,  and  Purton  in  the- 
Pitt  Press  series,  by  Wilkins  and  Holden  in  Macmillan's 


12  PREFACE. 


series,  by  Upcott,  Watson,  and  Pritchard  &  Bernard  in  the 
Clarendon  Press  series,  and  by  Siipfle,  Muirhead,  and  Long. 
I  have  not  consulted  any  American  editions  while  preparing 
my  notes  ;  but  I  have  used  for  twelve  years  with  one  or  more 
classes  daily  the  editions  of  Professors  Harkness,  Chase  & 
Stuart,  and  Allen  &  Greenough,  and  it  is  impossible  that  I 
should  not  have  reproduced  in  many  places  their  thoughts, 
perhaps  even  their  very  words.  In  any  event,  my  debt  to 
them  is  very  great. 

Finally,  I  must  acknowledge  the  great  assistance  given  me 
in  the  correction  of  references  and  revision  of  the  proofs  by 
my  former  pupil,  Mr.  Frederick  W.  Sanford,  B.  S.,  of  the 
Jacksonville  High  School. 

OAK  WOOD,  Dec.  1st,  1891. 


LIFE  OF  CICERO. 


PLACE  IN  ROMAN  HISTORY. 

MARCUS  TULLIUS  CICERO  (106-43  *),  is  the  most  promi- 1 
nent  figure  in  the  history  of  the  last  years  of  the  republic. 
Born  in  an  obscure  country  town,  his  family  of  the  middle 
class  only,  without  the  prestige  of  wealth  or  noble  birth, 
brought  into  contact  with  some  of  the  greatest  men  Kome 
ever  produced,  —  Sulla,  Caesar,  Pompeius,  Antonius,  Octavi- 
anus,  —  aided  only  by  his  natural  talent,  high  ambition, 
and  tireless  industry,  he  left  a  name  remarkably  free  from 
moral  reproach,  prominent  in  politics,  incomparable  in 
literature,  the  second,  if  not  the  first,  in  oratory. 

His  PRIVATE  LIFE.  — Judged  by  the  standard  of  to-day  2 
—  a  standard  by  which  Cicero  alone  of  all  the  Romans  is 
ever  judged  —  his   character  was   not   spotless.     He  was 
intensely  vain,  hot  tempered,  not  always  considerate  of  his 
friends,  vindictive  toward   his   enemies,   extravagant   and 
selfish.     On  the  other  hand,  his  morals  were  conspicuously 
pure.     In  an  age  of  corruption  and  social  degeneracy  he 
was  always  above  all  scandal  and  reproach.     He  was  merci- 
ful and  compassionate  to  his  slaves ;  his  dealings  with  the 
poor  and  helpless  were   just  and  humane.     The   lifelong  3 
devotion  of   Atticus  and  Tiro  testify  to  his  amiable  and* 
affectionate  nature ;   his  defence  of  E/oscius,   Sestius,  and 
Milo  to  his  courage  and  loyalty.      His  tenderness  to  his 
daughter  Tullia  and  his  love  for  his  brother  Quintus  touch 
us  still.     His  wealth  was  acquired  honorably,  and,  if  spent- 
*  B.  C.  is  to  be  understood  with  all  dates  in  this  book. 
13 


14  LIFE  OF  CICERO. 


lavishly,  was  spent  on  books  and  villas  and  works  of  art, 
not  on  the  gratification  of  the  meaner  passions.  His 
domestic  relations  became  unhappy.  After  thirty  years  of 
married  life  he  divorced  Terentia.  He  married  a  young 
heiress  and  divorced  her  too.  The  sufferings  of  Tullia 
caused  him  the  keenest  sorrow,  and  his  only  son  was 
dissipated  and  incapable.  He  found  distraction,  however, 
in  his  studies,  and  consolation  in  philosophy. 

4  His  POLITICAL  CAREER.  —  Cicero's  political  career  began 
with  his  quaestorship  in  Sicily  in  75.    At  the  earliest  legal 
age  he  became  aedile  and  praetor.     In  63  he  was  consul, 
and  suppressed  the  conspiracy  of  Catilina.     In  58  he  was 
exiled,  but  was  soon  recalled.     During  the  so-called  first 
triumvirate  he  was  kept  in  the  background,  neglected  alike 
by  friends  and  foes.     During  the  civil  war  (49-45),  after 
long  and   anxious   hesitation,  he   espoused   the   cause  of 
Pompeius  against  Caesar,  but  was  finally  reconciled  to  the 
latter,   and  lived  on   friendly  terms  with   him   until  his 
assassination.    He  took  no  part  in  the  plot  against  Caesar's 
life,  but  openly  exulted  in  the  deed  of  the  conspirators. 
For  a  short  time  his  early  vigor  reasserted  itself,  and  he 
headed  the  patriotic  party  against  the  new  triumvirate. 
When  the  cause  of  the  republic  was  finally  lost,  he  was 
among  the  first  to  fall  a  victim  to  the  proscription.     He 
was  murdered  in  43  at  the  age  of  63. 

5  Cicero  was  a  patriot  —  as  a  politician  he  was  a  failure.    He 
seemed  unable  to  comprehend  the  tendencies  of  the  times, 
the  fickleness  of  the  people,  the  rottenness  of  the  aristoc- 
racy, the   insufficiency  of   the  old  constitution.     He  was 
short-sighted,  hesitating,  by  turns  lenient  to  weakness,  and 
^iarsh  to  cruelty.     He  was  easily  swayed  by  circumstances, 
and  often  the  tool  of  unscrupulous  men.     He  lacked  the 
far-seeing  statesmanship,  self-control,  and  resolute   deter- 
mination that  gave  Caesar  the  victory,  and  the  disinterested- 
ness of  purpose  and  stubbornness  of  will  that  made  Cato 
great  in  defeat.     But  Augustus  said  of  him,  "  He  loved  his 


. 


PLACE  IN   ROMAN   HISTORY.  15 

country."     His   motives   were   pure,  his  integrity  unim- 
peached,  and  he  laid  down  his  life  for  the  republic. 

His  POSITION  IN  LITERATURE.  —  To  the  pursuit  of  litera-  6 
ture  Cicero  brought  extraordinary  intellectual  capabilities, 
a  strong  imagination,  refined  and  elevated  tastes,  and  habits 
of  application  that  excite  our  amazement.  His  learning 
was  great,  —  Varro  alone  of  his  contemporaries  surpassed 
him,  —  and  to  the  end  of  his  life  he  read  and  studied  inces- 
santly. His  memory,  like  Macaulay's,  was  always  in  action, 
and  he  seems  to  have  easily  run  over  the  immense  accumu- 
lations of  his  intellect.  He  raised  the  Latin  language  to 
the  highest  plane  of  its  development ;  Ciceronian  Latin 
means  all  that  is  clear,  direct,  and  forcible.  It  is  doubtful 
whether  any  writer  of  any  age  has  been  more  widely  read ;  it 
is  certain  that  none  has  exercised  a  more  powerful  influence 
upon  the  world.  There  is  no  style  of  literature  that  he  did 
not  attempt ;  but  it  is  to  rhetoric,  philosophy,  and  his  let- 
ters that  he  chiefly  owes  his  fame.  In  the  first  two  his  7 
services  to  the  Roman  world  as  the  mediator  of  Greek  cul- 
ture are  beyond  estimation ;  he  was  the  first  apostle  to  the 
Romans.  His  letters  are  to  us  a  still  more  priceless  treas- 
ure. They  are  a  complete  history  of  the  times,  bringing 
before  us  most  vividly  the  last  days  of  the  republic.  They 
are  more  than  eight  hundred  in  number  and  of  various  styles, 
some  mere  records  of  the  events  of  the  day,  a  few  carefully 
prepared  for  publication  as  political  pamphlets,  the  larger 
number  friendly  communications  on  all  sorts  of  subjects  to 
all  sorts  of  people,  revealing  the  writer's  most  personal 
relations  and  thoughts  with  the  most  transparent  and  en- 
gaging candor.  Many  of  the  letters  of  his  correspondents 
too  are  preserved  among  them,  and  add  still  more,  if  possi- 
ble, to  their  value. 

CICERO  AS  AN  ORATOR.  —  Quintilian  says  of  him  :  Apud  8 
posteros   id   est   consecutus,  ut  Cicero   iam    non  hominis 
nomen  sed   eloquentiae    habeatur.     In   clearness,  fulness, 
life,  and  energy  of  style,  he  has  never  been  surpassed.     He 


16 


LIFE   OF   CICERO. 


made  for  every  speech  the  most  careful  and  conscientious 
preparation,  and  handled  his  subjects  with  the  most  con- 
summate skill.  He  could  confuse  a  thing  when  he  chose, 
and  weave  a  web  of  sophistry  almost  impossible  to  disen- 
tangle. What  he  wished  to  make  clear  he  could  put  in  the 
simplest,  plainest,  most  forcible  way,  and  he  generally  did 
9  it  in  the  shortest  sentences.  He  could  be  humorous,  sarcas- 
tic, pathetic,  ironical,  satirical,  and  when  he  was  malignant 
his  mouth  was  most  foul  and  his  bite  most  venomous.  His 
orations  are  distinguished  by  variety  and  rapid  change  of 
sentiment.  His  delivery  was  impassioned  and  fiery,  his 
voice  strong,  full,  and  sweet,  his  figure  tall,  graceful, 
and  impressive.  He  possessed  a  wonderful  influence  over 
the  senses  and  feelings  of  his  hearers,  and  when  other 
counsel  were  associated  with  him  it  was  usual  for  Cicero  to 
be  the  last  to  address  the  jury.  By  universal  consent  he  is 
placed  side  by  side  with  Demosthenes,  or  at  least  close 
after  him.  He  surpassed  the  great  Attic  orator  in  variety 
and  brilliancy,  but  lacked  his  moral  earnestness  and  conse- 

10  quent  impressiveness.     In  all  ages  he  has  been  the  model 
and  despair  of  the  greatest  orators.     Petrarch  and  Erasmus, 
Chatham  and  Burke,  Webster,  Everett,  and  Choate,  have 
all  felt  and  owned  the  powerful  influence  of  his  example. 

We  know  of  over  one  hundred  orations  which  he  deliv- 
ered; fifty-seven  have  been  preserved  entire,  some  twenty 
others  in  a  fragmentary  condition.  We  do  not  have  them, 
however,  in  the  precise  form  in  which  they  were  delivered, 
because  it  was  his  custom  to  prepare  his  speeches  for  pub- 
lication by  removing  the  parts  of  less  permanent  interest, 
and  revising  the  rest. 

TO  THE  CANVASS  FOR  THE  CONSULSHIP. 

11  His  EARLY  EDUCATION.  —  Cicero  was  born  on  the  3d  of 
January,  106,  at  Arpinum,  an  old  town  in  the  land  of  the 
Volsci  and  the  birthplace  of  Gaius  Marius  also.     As  a  mere 
boy  he  attracted  attention  by  his  decided  talent  and  resolu- 


TO   THE   CANVASS    FOR   THE    CONSULSHIP.  17 

tion  to  excel,  and  he  was  early  destined  by  his  father's  wish 
and  his  own  choice  to  a  public  career.  His  family  belonged 
to  the  equestrian  order  (p.  56,  §  18)  which  had  maintained 
since  the  time  of  the  Gracchi  the  attitude  of  moderate  oppo- 
sition to  the  senatorial,  or  conservative  party,  and  none  of  his 
ancestors  had  ever  been  a  magistrate.  Forced,  therefore,  to  12 
rely  upon  his  own  merits  to  recommend  him  to  the  people,  he 
devoted  himself  with  all  his  might  to  the  study  of  oratory, 
which  was  then,  even  more  than  law  is  now,  the  gateway  to 
a  political  career.  The  best  teachers  of  rhetoric  —  and  they 
were  chiefly  Greeks — were  his;  but  he  visited  the  forum 
daily  to  listen  to  those  orators  of  his  own  country  whose 
eloquence  was  most  admired,  especially  Lucius  Crassus  and 
Marcus  Antonius.  He  was  a  diligent  student  of  Roman 
law  also,  under  the  Scaevolae,  and  this  knowledge  was  after- 
wards of  great  value  to  him.  He  read  with  unflagging  13 
zeal  the  best  Greek  writers,  especially  the  poets,  and  of 
these  Homer  above  all  others ;  and  from  them  he  derived  a 
wealth  of  noble  and  exalted  ideas,  and  the  beauty  of  style 
which  he  conspicuously  possessed.  But  to  complete  his 
ideal  of  a  well-rounded  orator  and  statesman  he  added 
philosophy  and  logic  to  his  studies,  having  for  his  teachers 
representatives  of  the  three  chief  schools,  Phaedrus  the 
Epicurean,  Diodotus  the  Stoic,  and  Philo  the  Academic, 
To  this  list  of  his  instructors  must  be  added  the  famous 
rhetorician  Molo,  who  had  come  to  Rome  as  ambassador 
from  Rhodes. 

His  FIRST  CASES.  —  Thus  prepared,  Cicero  in  his  twenty- 14 
sixth  year,  in  81,  commenced  his  career  as  an  advocate.  It 
was  customary  for  young  men  to  make  their  first  bid  for 
notoriety  and  public  favor  by  bringing  a  criminal  suit,  on 
good  grounds  or  none,  against  some  prominent  but  unpopular 
man :  so  Caesar,  in  77,  unsuccessfully  prosecuted  Dolabella. 
Cicero,  however,  preferred  the  more  honorable  course  of 
appearing  for  the  defence,  and  in  his  first  public  case,  in  80, 
he  spoke  in  behalf  of  Sextius  Roscius,  charged  with  parri- 


18 


JFE   OF   CICERO. 


cide.  This  was  the  justest  case  that  Cicero  ever  championed ; 
and  the  courage  with  which  he  opposed  the  favorite  of  the 
dictator  Sulla,  and  exposed  the  corruption  of  the  Sullan 
reign  of  terror,  brought  him  into  immediate  prominence. 

15  It  may  be  that  he  feared  the  resentment  of  Sulla,  for  the 
next  year  (79),  pleading  ill  health  and  the  need  of  further 
study,  he  went  to  Athens  and  thence  to  Asia  and  Rhodes. 
In  Athens  he  studied  for  six  months  under  the  most  famous 
philosophers,  and  there  formed  his  memorable  friendship 
with  Titus  Pomponius  Atticus.     In  Asia  also  he  visited 
the  most  distinguished  masters  of  eloquence ;  but  it  was  at 
Rhodes,  and  under  the  same  Molo  whose  lectures  he  had 
heard  at  Rome,  that  he  profited  the  most.     Under  the  in- 
fluence of   his  criticisms  Cicero  put  aside  "the   juvenile 
superfluities  and  redundancies  "  that  had  marred  his  earlier 
style. 

16  His  QUAESTORSHIP.  —  Greatly  improved,  — prope  mutatus 
he  calls  it,  —  he  returned  to  Rome  in  77  (Sulla  had  died  in 
78)  and  resumed  his  labors  in  the  courts.     His  talent,  skill, 
and  unselfishness  so  recommended  him  to  the  people  that 
when  in   76  he  offered  himself   for  the  quaestorship,  an 
office  (p.  56,  §  14)  carrying  with  it  a  seat  in  the  senate,  he 
was  unanimously  elected.     As  quaestor  (75)  he  was  sent  to 
Sicily,  at  that  time  the  chief  source  of  the  corn  supply  of 
Rome,  and  his  honorable  administration  did  much  to  recon- 
cile the  provincials  to  the  burdensome  exactions  of   the 
government.     All  his  spare  time  was  devoted  to  study,  and 
at  the  expiration  of  his  year  of  office  he  returned  to  Rome 
with  the  confidence  and  esteem  of  the  whole  province. 

17  He  soon  found,  however,  that  in  his  absence  he  had  been 
forgotten :  even  his   efforts  to  supply  the  city  with  food 
during  the  scarcity  had  been  unnoticed  or  unappreciated. 
This  fired  him  to  still  greater  activity,  and  he  formed  the 
resolution  to  stay  in  the  city  as  much  as  possible,  and  live 
and  work  under  the  eyes  of   the   people.     Consequently, 
while  the  slave  war  raged  in  Italy,  while  the  pirates  defied 


TO  THE   CANVASS   FOE   THE    CONSULSHIP.  19 

the  power  of  Rome  upon  the  seas,  while  Lucullus  fought 
against  Mithradates  and  Tigranes  in  the  east,  Cicero  was 
daily  busy  in  the  forum,  always  at  the  service  of  all  who 
needed  his  assistance.  None  of  the  speeches,  however, 
which  he  delivered  in  these  years  (75-72)  have  come  down 
to  us. 

His  AEDILESHIP.  —  Cicero's  political  attitude  up  to  this  18 
time  is  very  uncertain.  He  seems  to  have  acquiesced  in 
the  triumph  of  Sulla  as  an  earnest  of  peace  and  order,  but 
to  have  revolted  at  the  tyranny  and  cruelty  of  the  dictator. 
Neither  are  we  thoroughly  acquainted  with  his  relations  to 
Pompeius,  the  spoiled  favorite  of  the  senate,  who  had  re- 
turned victorious  from  Spain  in  71,  had  quarrelled  immedi- 
ately with  his  party,  had  nevertheless  gained  the  consulship 
in  70,  and  had  set  about  the  undoing  of  Sulla's  constitution. 
But  we  do  know  that  Cicero,  who  in  70  was  elected  aedile 
(p.  66,  §  64  f.)  for  69,  took  advantage  of  the  trial  of  Gains 
Verres  to  pose  as  the  zealous  champion  of  the  people's 
rights.  Verres  had  been  propraetor  of  Sicily  for  three  19 
years,  and  had  shamefully  abused  and  plundered  the  prov- 
ince. On  the  expiration  of  his  term  of  office  the  Sicilians 
brought  suit  against  him  for  extortion,  laying  damages  at 
$2,000,000.  Bound  by  a  promise  given  during  his  quaestor- 
ship  Cicero  departed  from  his  custom  and  undertook  their 
case,  thus  appearing  for  the  first  time  as  prosecutor  in  a 
public  cause.  He  made  the  case  a  political  one  by  publish- 
ing through  Rome  his  intention  to  proceed  against  Verres 
not  as  an  individual  but  as  a  type.  He  promised  to  expose  20 
in  this  trial  the  corruption  of  the  senate's  system  of  ad- 
ministering the  provinces,  which  had  made  the  title  of 
governor  a  synonym  for  plunderer  and  extortioner.  He 
also  promised  to  uncover  the  rottenness  of  the  senatorial 
courts  which  had  regularly  acquitted  offenders  notoriously 
as  guilty  as  Verres,  and  had  unblushingly  divided  with 
them  the  spoil.  The  case  of  Verres  is  closely  connected 
with  the  proceedings  of  Pompeius*  against  the  senate. 


20  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 


^  culprit  did  not  venture  to  stand  his  trial.  He  went 
into  exile,  the  Sicilians  were  avenged  if  not  recompensed, 
and  Cicero  was  acknowledged  the  first  advocate  of  Rome. 

21  The  next  year  (69)  he  was  aedile.     The  aedileship  was 
not  a  necessary  step  in  a  political  career,  but  it  carried 
with  it  the  management  of  certain  of  the  public  games, 
and  upon  these  the  aediles  were  expected  and  accustomed 
to  spend  immense  sums  of  their  own  money  in  the  hope  of 
gaining  popular  favor.     Such  an  expenditure  was  entirely 
beyond  Cicero's  means  ;  but  the  Sicilians  had  not  forgotten 
his   uprightness  in  his  quaestorship  and  his  eloquence  in 
the  prosecution  of  Verres.     With  their  assistance  he  fur- 
nished corn  at  unusually  low  rates,  and  the  grateful  people 
received  with    favor  the    comparatively  modest  games  he 
was  able  to  give  them,  and  his  popularity  was  undiminished. 

22  His  PRAETORSHIP.  —  When  the  two  years  required  by  law 
had  elapsed  he  became,  in  67,  a  candidate  for  the  praetor- 
ship  (p.  65,  §  59  f.).     The  election  was  several  times  inter- 
rupted and  postponed,  but  on  each  occasion  Cicero's  name 
was  at  the  top  of  the  list  of  candidates  in  all  the  centuries. 
In  his  year  of  office  he  presided  over  one  of  the  standing 
courts.     Here  his  minute  knowledge  of  the  law  (§  12)  was 
of  great  service  to  him,  and  his  tribunal  was  thronged  with 
young  men  listening  to  his  decisions.     The  most  important 
political  event  of  the  year  was  the  proposal  of  the  tribune, 
C.  Manilius,  to  transfer  the  command  against  Mithradates 

23  from  Lucullus  to  Pompeius.     The  latter  was  to  have  un- 
limited funds,  unlimited  troops,  unlimited  authority  over 
citizens  and  allies,  in  short  such  powers  as  not  even  the 
ancient   kings   had  possessed.     The   measure  was   clearly 
unconstitutional,  and  as  such  was  vigorously  opposed  by  the 
conservatives.     Besides,  they  hated  Pompeius  for  his  own 
sake,  because  to  him  they  owed  the  loss  of  the  courts  and 
the  re-establishment  of  the  tribunate.     The  measure  was 
supported  by  Caesar  and   Cicero,  by  the  latter,  perhaps, 
because  he  felt  it  his  fluty  to  take  the  side  approved  by  the 


THE   CANVASS   OF   64.  21 

party  to  which  he  owed  the  very  position  that  gave  weight 
to  his  opinion.  He  therefore  delivered  in  support  of  the 
Manilian  law  the  eloquent  oration  De  Imperio  Cn.  Pompei, 
his  first  distinctively  political  address  to  the  people  from 
the  rostra,  though  there  had  been  no  lack  of  politics  in  his 
speeches  for  Roscius  and  against  Verres.  The  bill  was  24 
carried,  and  the  successful  termination  of  the  war  seemed 
to  vindicate  the  policy  of  Cicero,  who,  notwithstanding 
many  rebuffs  and  wrongs,  continued  the  ardent  supporter 
and  eloquent  apologist  of  Pompeius  all  his  life.  In  spite 
of  his  exacting  official  duties  Cicero  remained  true  to  his 
profession  of  advocate  during  his  praetorship.  At  its  end, 
remembering  his  experience  in  Sicily,  he  declined  a  prov- 
ince and  remained  at  Rome,  working  with  the  greater 
energy  to  keep  his  hold  upon  the  people  and  to  gain  the 
favor  of  influential  men  :  all  with  a  view  to  the  great  prize 
of  his  ambition,  the  consulship,  for  which  he  became  a 
candidate  in  64. 

THE  CANVASS  OP  64. 

CATILINA.  —  His  most  prominent  and  most  dangerous  25 
competitor  was  Lucius  Sergius  Catilina,  of  patrician  family, 
born  about  108.  Endowed  with  unusual  powers  of  mind  and 
body,  he  had  inherited  from  his  father  a  noble  name  but 
not  a  patrimony  sufficient  to  satisfy  the  excessive  needs  of 
a  luxurious  age.  In  his  early  youth  Catilina  flung  himself 
into  all  possible  excesses  which,  without  undermining  his 
gigantic  strength,  blunted  his  moral  feeling  and  coupled 
with  an  inordinate  ambition  led  him  into  a  series  of  awful 
crimes  almost  beyond  belief.  He  entered  upon  public  life  26 
just  at  the  time  of  Sulla's  reign  of  terror,  during  which, 
stained  by  the  guilt  of  a  brother's  murder,  he  had  the  mur- 
dered man's  name  put  upon  the  proscription  list  as  if  he 
had  still  been  living.  He  is  also  accused  by  Cicero  of  the 
murder  of  his  wife  and  son  to  clear  the  way  for  a  second 


22  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

marriage.  As  a  zealous  disciple  of  Sulla  he  sated  his  thirst 
for  murder,  for  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  Gallic  horse- 
men he  slew  a  number  of  Roman  knights,  among  them  his 

27  brother-in-law,  Caecilius,  and  tortured  to  death  a  relative  of 
Cicero  and  Marius.     He  is  supposed  to  have  gone  through 
the  regular  course  of   offices  (p.  69,  §  77)  at  the  regular 
age  for  each.     He  was  elected  quaestor,  and  afterwards  as 
legatus  conducted  the  siege  of  an  enemy's  town,  but  the 
year   and   the  war  are  unknown.     In  73  he  was  accused 
of  incest  with  a  vestal  virgin  Fabia,  the  half   sister   of 
Cicero's  wife,  but  was  acquitted.     By  his  mastery  of  the 
arts  of  hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  and  by  his  rare  gift  of 
attaching  people  to  him,  he  succeeded  in  spite  of  the  stains 
upon  his  character,  in  obtaining  the  praetorship  in  68. 

28  CATILINA'S  FIRST  ATTEMPT  AT  THE  CONSULSHIP.  —  The 
following  }^ear  he  administered  as  propraetor  the  province 
of  Africa,  which  he  left  in  the  summer  of  66  to  appear  in 
Rome  as  a  candidate  for  the  consulship.     But  even  before 
his  departure  from  the  province  envoys  from  Africa  had 
appeared  before  the  senate  to  present  complaints  about  the 
scandalous  oppression  of  which  he  had  been  guilty  ;  hence 
threatened  with  a  prosecution  for  misgovernment  he  was 
obliged  to  retire  from  his  candidature.     The  technical  reason 
assigned  was  that  he  had  failed  to  announce  himself  as  a 
candidate   seventeen   days  before  the  election  as  the  law 
required. 

29  From  his  family  and  former  connection  with  Sulla's  party 
it  is  probable  that  he  expected  to  stand  for  the  consulship 
as  one  of  the  conservative  (senatorial)  candidates.     Upon 
the  conservatives,  therefore,  he  visited  his  disappointment, 
believing  that  had  their  support  been  earnest  and  sincere,  the 
prosecution  might  have  been  evaded  or  at  least  postponed. 
He  turned,  therefore,  to  the  democrats,  the  opposition,  and 
secured  their  support  for  his  next  attempt  by  putting  for- 
ward a  program  more  radical  than  any  that  their  own  leaders 
dared   propose.     Attention,  however,  was  called  from  his 
designs  by  more  exciting  proceedings  in  the  state. 


THE  CANVASS   OF   64.  23 

THE  (so-called)  FIRST  CONSPIRACY.  —  The  candidates  30 
elected  for  65  after  Catilina's  withdrawal  were  Publius 
Autronius  Paetus  and  Publius  Cornelius  Sulla.  The  latter 
was  a- relative  of  the  dictator,  personally  insignificant  but 
brought  into  prominence  by  his  influential  connections  and 
by  the  great  wealth  which  he  had  accumulated  during  the 
proscriptions.  The  consuls-elect  were  immediately  brought 
to  trial  on  the  charge  of  bribery,  were  convicted  and  deposed. 
In  their  places  were  elected  the  rival  candidates,  Lucius 
Aurelius  Cotta  and  Lucius  Manlius  Torquatus.  Autronius  is 
said  to  have  immediately  conspired  with  Catilina  and  Cn. 
Calpurnius  Piso,  a  youth  of  good  family  but  abandoned 
character,  to  murder  the  consuls  at  the  very  outset  of  their 
official  career  when  they  appeared  in  the  Capitoline  temple 
on  the  1st  of  January  to  make  the  customary  vows  for  the 
welfare  of  the  state.  Whether  or  not  Sulla  took  part  in  31 
the  plot  cannot  be  determined  with  certainty ;  it  is  proba- 
ble that  he  did,  but  so  cautiously  that  strictly  legal  proofs 
could  not  be  secured.  Vargunteius  and  others  were  in  the 
plot,  which  was  to  be  executed  by  means  of  gladiators. 
Catilina  and  Autronius  were  to  be  proclaimed  consuls,  and 
Piso  was  to  be  furnished  with  an  army  to  gain  fame  and 
fortune  in  Spain.  Sallust  declares  that  the  plot  was 
formed  early  in  December,  66,  but  became  known  before  the 
end  of  the  month,  and  a  body-guard  was  provided  by  the 
senate  for  the  consuls-elect.  The  execution  of  the  plot  was 
therefore  postponed  until  the  5th  of  February  65,  and 
its  scope  was  enlarged  to  include  the  murder  of  the  leading 
senators.  It  was  asserted  that  it  failed  only  because  on 
the  appointed  day  Catilina  gave  the  signal  before  a  suffi- 
cient number  of  his  followers  appeared.  The  conspirators 
escaped  without  punishment :  Piso  even  received  from  the 
senate  the  reward  he  was  to  get  from  the  plotters.  He  was 
sent  as  quaestor  to  Spain,  where  he  was  soon  opportunely 
murdered  by  the  natives. 

Although  tradition  has  assigned  to  Catilina  the  leading  32 


24  LIFE    OF    CICERO. 

part  in  this  plot,  and  although  it  is  usually  called  his  first 
conspiracy,  it  is  very  doubtful  whether  he  was  actively  en- 
gaged in  it.  He  probably  sympathized  at  the  time  with 
Autronius  and  Sulla  in  their  disappointment,  and  was  after- 
wards made  their  scapegoat  when  their  sins  were  discovered. 
In  fact,  it  became  quite  the  usual  thing  at  Koine  to  ascribe 
to  Catilina  all  unfathered  crimes  and  outrages.  It  is  at 
least  significant  that  after  the  failure  of  the  plot  he  wrent 
on  with  his  plans  to  get  place  and  power  by  the  forms  of 
law,  even  if  his  methods  were  violent  and  unscrupulous. 

33  His  SECOND  ATTEMPT.  —  In  the  same  year  (65)  Catilina 
was  brought  to  trial  by  Publius  Clodius  Pulcher,  afterwards 
the  notorious  enemy  of  Cicero,  for  his  cruel  oppression  of 
his   province.     Catilina   bribed  his   accuser   to  allow  him 
to  select  most  of  the  jury ;  but  although  several  of  the  jury 
were  also  bribed,  and  the  influence  of  many  prominent  men 
was  exerted  in  his  behalf,  he  narrowly  escaped  conviction. 
The  intervention  of  the  trial,  for  the  case  did  not  come  on 
until  the  consular  elections  were  over,  prevented  his  standing 
for  the  consulship  this  year,  but  he  caused  it  to  be  known 
that  he  would  surely  be  a  candidate  in  64.     In  this  his  second 
canvass  he  was  actively  supported  by  the  more  radical  demo- 
crats, the  influence  of  Caesar  and  Crassus  being  secretly  but 

34  no  less  effectively  exerted  for  him.     In  order  to  make  his 
election  more  certain  he  looked  for  an  associate  among  the 
other  candidates  with  whom  he  might  exchange  votes  and 
resort  to  the  boldest  and  most  violent  measures.     Besides 
Catilina  and  Cicero  there  were  in  64  five  candidates  for  the 
consulship  of  63.     Of  these  the  most  promising  was  Gains 
Antonius    Hybrida,    who    in    character    and    antecedents 
strongly  resembled  Catilina.     He  was  a  son  of  the  great 
orator  Marcus  Antonius  and  the  uncle  of  the  greater  tri- 
umvir of  the  same   name,   the   Mark   Antony   of   Shake- 
speare.-   During  Sulla's  rule  he  had  plundered  Greece  at  the 
head  of  a  band  of  cavalry  and  had  taken  part  in  the  pro- 
scriptions.    In  70  he  had  been  removed  from  the  senate, 


THE   CANVASS    OF    64.  25 

but  was  afterwards  restored.  To  him  Catilina  attached  35 
himself,  and  both  resolved  to  leave  untried  no  means  of  can- 
vassing, lawful  or  unlawful,  to  defeat  Cicero  —  of  the  other 
candidates  they  had  ho  fears.  Catilina  found  friends  to 
assist  him  with  their  money  and  credit  in  the  purchase  of 
votes,  and  at  the  expense  of  other  friends  shows  of  gladia- 
tors were  promised  the  people  in  his  name.  Finally,  in 
June  Catilina  called  together  his  trusted  adherents  and 
laid  before  them  his  plans  and  the  means  of  executing 
them.  To  the  ambitious  he  promised  high  positions  in  the 
state,  to  the  bankrupt  complete  or  partial  relief  by  legisla- 
tion, to  all  alike  the  rich  spoil  of  an  unscrupulous  adminis- 
tration and  the  plunder  of  the  provinces.  All  was  condi- 
tioned of  course  upon  his  success  in  the  election  of  the 
following  month ;  and  so,  after  ratifying  their  engagements 
with  the  most  fearful  oaths  (it  is  said  that  they  pledged 
each  other  in  wine  mixed  with  human  blood),  they  separ- 
ated to  work,  each  in  his  own  way,  for  the  election  of 
Catilina  and  Antonius. 

CICERO'S  CHANCES.  —  While  Catilina  was  indulging  in  36 
the  most  confident  hopes,  the  prospects  of  Cicero  were  by 
no  means  bright.  He  could  count  certainly  upon  the  sup- 
port of  the  knights  only  —  the  order  to  which  his  own 
family  belonged.  For  however  great  the  reputation  he  had 
made  as  an  orator,  advocate,  and  administrator,  however 
high  he  stood  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  however  pure 
his  character  was  amidst  the  moral  filth  of  the  time,  how- 
ever persuasively  he  urged  his  own  claims,  and  however 
eloquently  he  exposed  the  designs  of  his  opponents,  still 
the  arts  of  his  competitors  were  strong  with  the  lower 
classes,  and  the  nobility  was  solidly  against  him.  The 
nobles  despised  him  as  a  homo  novus  (  p.  56,  §  16),  hated  him 
for  his  attacks  upon  them  in  his  speeches  against  Verres 
and  for  the  Manilian  law  (§  23),  and  feared  that  in  the 
future  he  might  work  in  the  interests  of  the  democrats, 
and  further  the  ambitious  designs  of  Pompeius. 


26  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

37  THE    RESULT.  —  A   fortunate   accident,    providence   he 
would  have  called  it,  turned  the  tide  in  his  favor.    Q.  Curius, 
one  of  Catilina's  penniless  adventurers,  began  suddenly  to 
set  a  day  for  the  fulfilment  of  his  long-standing  promises 
to  his  mistress  Fulvia:  gold,  jewels,  everything  should  be 
hers  —  after  the  election.     She  told  her  friends  of  her  ex- 
pectations, of  course  with  due  exaggeration.     The  vaguest 
and  most  extravagant  rumors  spread  through  the  city.     The 
terrors  of  the  Sullan  revolution  were  revived  in  the  minds 
of  all  who  owned  property,  valued  peace,  and  cared  for 
their  lives.     The  threatened  danger  broke  the  pride  of  the 
nobles,  and  they  cast  their  votes  for  Cicero  as  the  most 
conservative   democrat   among   the   candidates.      He   was 
elected  at  the  head  of  the  list  with  Antonius  second  and 
Catilina  in  the  minority  by  a  few  centuries  only.     For  the 
first  and  last  time  had  a  homo  novus  been  elected  consul  at 
the  earliest  age  permitted  by  the  laws. 

• 

HIS  CONSULSHIP. 

38  His  OFFICIAL  DUTIES.  —  In  another  part  of  this  book 
(p.  64,  §  53)  the  duties  of  the  consul  are  described.     Mr. 
Trollope,  however,  has  called  attention  to  the  little  that  we 
know  of  the  administrative  work  done  by  the  great  Roman 
officers  of  state.     "  Though  we  can  picture  to  ourselves  a 
Cicero  before  the  judges  or  addressing  the  people  from  the 
rostra,  or  uttering   his  opinions  in  the  senate,  we  know 
nothing  of  him  as  he  sat  in  his  office  and  did  his  consular 
work.     We  cannot  but  suppose  that  there  must  have  been 
an  office  and  many  clerks.     There  must  have  been  heavy 
daily   work.      The   whole   operation   of    government   was 
under  the  consul's  charge,  and  to  Cicero,  with  a  Catilina  on 

39  his  hands,  this  must  have  been  unusually  heavy."    In  spite 
of  his  official  duties  Cicero  continued  his  practice  in  the 
courts.     He  has  given  us  a  list  of  twelve  speeches,  con- 
sulares  he  calls  them,  delivered  this  year,  five  of  which  are 


HIS   CONSULSHIP.  27 

contained  in  this  volume.  He  entered  upon  office  on  the 
1st  of  January,  63.  The  winter  and  spring  were  occupied 
with  contentions  about  the  agrarian  law  of  Rullus,  the  trial 
of  Eabirius  for  the  death  of  Saturninus,  the  proposal  to 
restore  to  their  rights  the  children  of  those  whom  Sulla 
had  proscribed,  Caesar's  intrigues  to  secure  the  office  of 
pontifex  maximus  (p.  70,  §  81),  Cicero's  law  to  check  bribery, 
and  above  all  the  rivalry  of  the  candidates  for  the  consul- 
ship of  62.  One  of  these  candidates  was  Catilina. 

CATILINA'S  THIRD  ATTEMPT.  —  Discouraged  and  dis-  4O 
heartened  as  Catilina  was  by  his  second  failure,  he  could 
not  give  up  and  turn  back.  He  had  staked  his  all  and  his 
friends7  all  upon  the  consulship :  he  would  make  one  more 
effort  to  secure  the  prize  — if  that  failed  there  was  nothing 
left  him  but  ruin  or  civil  war.  He  had  already  exhausted 
all  means  countenanced  or  employed  by  the  Romans  in 
their  party  struggles.  One  last  resort  remained,  and  so 
without  openly  renouncing  the  support  of  the  democrats 
he  strove  to  attach  to  himself  a  personal  following,  not  a 
"  party,"  of  the  bankrupt  and  the  ruined.  There  was  no 
lack  of  material  to  work  upon.  There  were  the  dissi-  41 
pated  youth,  those  who  had  no  possessions,  the  spendthrifts 
and  criminals  of  all  kinds,  the  veterans  of  Sulla  who  after 
quickly  squandering  their  ill-gotten  riches  longed  for  new 
booty,  the  great  mass  of  those  who  had  been  driven  from 
house  and  home  by  the  military  colonies,  and  finally  —  the 
most  dangerous  element  —  the  mob  of  the  capital,  always 
thirsting  for  pillage  and  blood.  What  hopes  Catilina  held 
up  before  these  new  supporters,  cannot  be  definitely  deter- 
mined ;  the  designs  of  anarchists  are  not  usually  very 
precise  and  well  defined.  He  undoubtedly  promised  a 
cancellation  of  debts  (novae  tabulae),  and  the  spoils  of  office 
with  hints  at  the  proscription  of  the  rich  —  just  as  he  had 
promised  in  64,  but  on  a  larger  scale.  The  threats  of 
fire,  pillage,  outrage,  and  murder  that  we  read  of  must 
have  been  the  idle  mouthings  of  his  followers,  or  thrown 


28  LIFE   OF    CICERO. 

back  upon  this  time  from  the  events  of  the  following  sum- 
mer and  fall. 

42  THE    ELECTION   OF  63.  —  Cicero,   who   had   kept   accu- 
rately  informed    of   Catilina's    designs,   fully  appreciated 
the  critical  condition  of  the  state.     As  Catilina  had  turned 
from  the  democrats  to  the  anarchists,  so  Cicero  turned  to 
the  conservatives.     He  tried  to  win  the  confidence  of  the 
senators,  to  open  their  eyes  to  the  threatened  danger,  to 
arouse  their  energies   in  behalf  of  the  republic  which  he 
believed  could  be  saved  by  the  senate  alone.     To  convince 
them  of  his  disinterestedness  he  had  declined  a  province 
in  advance  of  the  lots.     The  rich  one,  Macedonia,  which 
afterwards   fell   to   him,  he   turned   over  to  his  doubtful 
colleague  Antonius  as  a  bribe  to  win  him  from  his  connec- 
tion with  Catilina,  or  at  least  to  secure  his  neutrality.    The 
less  desirable  one  he  caused  to  be  given  to  a  stanch  con- 

43  servative,  Quintus  Metellus  Celer.     He  bribed  Fulvia,  and 
through  her  Curius,  to  keep  him   informed  of  Catilina's 
plots.     To   counteract  his  election  intrigues  he  proposed 
and  carried  through  a  law  in  reference  to  bribery,  adding 
to  the  number  of  acts  that  were  declared  illegal,  and  in- 
creasing the  severity  of  the  penalties.     He  looked  to  his 
personal  safety  by  forming  a  body-guard  of  friends  and 
clients,  who  also  served  him  as  a  secret  police.     Finally,  in 
July,   when    news    reached   him   of   a  secret   meeting  of 
a  particularly   atrocious    character,   he   called   the   senate 
together  the  day  before  the  election,  and  laid  the  danger 
before  them.     The  senate  determined  to  discuss  the  condi- 
tion of  the  state  the  next  day  instead  of  holding  the  elec- 
tion.     This  was  done,  and  when   Cicero  had  acquainted 
them  with  all  that  he  knew,  he  challenged  Catilina  to  reply 

44  to  his  charges.     Nothing  daunted,  Catilina  replied  in  an 
exultant   and   defiant   speech,  for  which,    says  Cicero,  he 
ought  not  to  have  been  allowed  to  leave  the  house  alive. 
The  senate,  however,  took  no  decisive   steps,  the  election 
was  no  longer  deferred,  and  Catilina  left  the  senate  house 


HIS   CONSULSHIP.  2& 

with  an  air  of  triumph.  Fortunately  the  revelations  of 
Cicero  were  noised  about,  and  had  more  effect  upon  the 
better  classes  of  citizens  than  upon  the  senate,  and  his  con- 
duct upon  the  day  of  the  election  increased  their  dread  of 
violence.  He  appeared  at  the  voting  place  wearing  but 
half-concealed  beneath  his  official  toga  a  glittering  cuirass, 
and  surrounded  by  a  numerous  body-guard.  The  expected 
attack  was  not  made,  but  the  people,  duly  impressed  with 
a  sense  of  the  consul's  danger,  rejected  Catilina  for  the 
last  time,  and  elected  Lucius  Licinius  Murena  and  Decimus 
Junius  Silanus. 

THE  CONSPIRACY  OF  CATILINA.  —  It  is  at  this  point  45 
that  what  is  known  as  the  conspiracy  of  Catilina  really 
begins.  However  radical,  however  revolutionary,  his  de- 
signs had  been  previous  to  this  defeat,  he  had  aimed  at 
overthrowing  the  existing  government  only,  not  at  sub- 
verting the  very  order  of  the  state  itself.  Now,  however, 
his  plans  were  changed.  In  despair  he  set  about  the  utter 
destruction  of  the  republic  which  he  could  no  longer  hope 
to  rule.  He  collected  stores  of  arms  in  various  convenient 
places  in  and  out  of  Rome.  He  sent  money,  raised  upon 
his  own  and  his  friends'  credit,  to  his  trusted  lieutenant 
Gaius  Manlius  at  Faesulae  in  Etruria.  Three  armies  of  46 
Sulla's  veterans  and  other  disaffected  persons  were  to 
assemble  in  Etruria,  Apulia,  and  Picenum.  Outbreaks  of 
slaves,  mostly  gladiators,  were  arranged  for.  He  counted 
also  upon  the  aid  of  Piso  in  Spain  and  Antonius  in  Home, 
but  both  failed  him  for  the  reasons  given  in  §§31  and  42. 
On  the  27th  of  October  Manlius  was  to  raise  the  standard 
of  rebellion  at  Faesulae  ;  on  the  28th  Catilina  himself  was  to 
put  to  the  sword  the  leading  men  at  Rome.  But  Cicero 
had  contrived  to  keep  informed  of  all  these  plans,  and  on 
the  21st  of  October  he  laid  before  the  senate  all  the  in- 
formation he  had  gained.  For  the  moment  the  senate 
awakened  from  its  lethargy.  It  passed  the  resolution  47 
always  reserved  for  the  gravest  crises,  VIDEANT  CONSULES 


30 


LIFE   OF  CICERO. 


NE     QUID     RES    PUBLICA     DETRIMENTI      CAPIAT,     equivalent, 

says  Caesar,  to  calling  the  Roman  people  to  arms.  A  few 
days  later  caine  the  news  that  Manlius  had  done  his  part  — 
desperate  men  of  all  sorts  were  gathering  around  him 
ready  for  open  war.  The  senate  sent  the  proconsuls 
Q.  Marcius  Rex  and  Q.  Metellus  (Creticus)  to  Etruria  and 
Apulia,  and  the  praetors  Q.  Pomponius  Rufus  and  Q. 
Metellus  Celer  (§  42)  to  Capua  and  Picenum,  with  authority 
to  raise  troops  as  needed.  Rewards  were  offered  for  infor- 
mation concerning  the  conspiracy.  The  bands  of  gladia- 
tors in  Rome  were  hurried  away  to  distant  points,  and  to 
lessen  the  danger  from  incendiaries  armed  watchmen 
patrolled  the  streets  under  the  direction  of  the  inferior 
magistrates. 

48  A  week  passed  by.     There  was  a  report  that  an  unsuc- 
cessful attempt  had  been  made  to  surprise  Praeneste,  an 
important  fortress  east  of  Rome,  but  in  the  city  itself  noth- 
ing occurred  to  justify  Cicero's  extraordinary  precautions. 
The  senate  began  to  believe  that  the  upstart  consul  had 
been  trifling  with  its  fears,  and  Catilina  assumed  the  air  of 
injured  innocence.     In  fact,  when  he  was  charged  at  last 
with  treason,  he  offered,  as  if  confiding  in  the  purity  of  his 
motives,  to  surrender  himself  to  the  watch  and  ward  of 
any  good  citizen  (custodia  libera).     All  this  time,  however, 
he    was   getting  ready  to  leave  Rome  and   join   Manlius. 
He  saw  clearly  enough  that  the  only  chance  of  success  lay 
in  a  sudden  attack  upon  the  city  before  the  senate's  forces 

49  were   enrolled  and  equipped.     For  this  reason,  deceiving 
his  guard  or  securing  his  connivance,  he  gathered  together 
at  the  house  of  the  senator,  M.  Porcius  Laeca,  on  the  night 
of  November  6th,  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy.     He  in- 
formed them  of  his  intended  departure,  assured  them  of 
his  early  return  with  an  army,  selected  some  to  accompany 
him,  despatched  others  to  important  points  in  Italy,  and 
assigned  to  those  who  were  to  remain  at  Rome  the  duty  of 
setting  the  city  on  fire  in  twelve  places  when  his  approach 


HIS   CONSULSHIP.  31 

was  announced.  He  spoke  bitterly  of  Cicero's  unusual 
watchfulness,  whereupon  two  knights  volunteered  to  mur- 
der the  consul  at  his  house  at  daybreak.  The  night  was  so 
far  spent,  however,  that  the  attempt  was  postponed  for 
twenty-four  hours.  In  the  mean  time  Cicero  was  warned 
by  Fulvia,  and  when  early  in  the  morning  of  the  8th,  the 
assassins  presented  themselves  at  Cicero's  door  as  if  to 
make  the  usual  morning  call,  they  were  refused  admit- 
tance. Several  prominent  men,  summoned  by  Cicero  for 
the  purpose,  bore  witness  to  the  attempt,  and  helped  to 
spread  the  news  through  the  city. 

THE  FIRST  ORATION  AGAINST  CATILINA.  —  On  the  50 
same  day  (November  8th)  Cicero  assembled  the  senate  in 
the  temple  of  Jupiter  Stator,  on  the  northern  slope  of  the 
Palatine  hill  and  probably  within  the  original  fortifications 
of  the  ancient  city.  Here  lived  Cicero  and  Catilina,  here 
lived  the  aristocracy,  and  hence  is  derived  our  word  palace. 
The  senators  came  in  large  numbers.  The  late  hour  of  the 
day,  the  unusual  place  of  meeting,  and  the  supposed  sub- 
ject of  deliberation,  excited  their  liveliest  anticipations. 
Among  them  came  Catilina,  undismayed  by  the  watchmen 
already  patrolling  the  streets,  by  the  guards  already  posted, 
by  the  crowds  of  people  anxiously  running  to  and  fro,  by 
the  band  of  knights  who  surrounded  the  senate  fully  armed 
and  who  regarded  him  with  no  friendly  eyes.  As  he  made 
his  way  toward  his  usual  place,  where  as  ex-praetor  he  sat 
near  the  ex-consuls,  no  one  spoke  to  him,  no  one  greeted 
him,  and  as  he  took  his  seat  those  near  him  rose  from 
theirs  and  left  him  alone.  Cicero,  losing  his  self-control  51 
at  this  exhibition  of  Catilina's  effrontery,  broke  forth  in  a 
fiery  speech,  upbraided  him  with  the  events  of  the  last  two 
nights,  and  demanded  that  he  quit  the  city.  Even  now 
Catilina  attempted  a  defence.  He  begged  the  senators  not 
to  believe  the  charges  too  hastily :  he  was  sprung  from 
such  a  family,  had  so  lived  from  his  youth  that  he  might 
hope  for  every  success  ;  they  could  not  think  that  he,  a 


32  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

patrician,  needed  the  overthrow  of  the  republic  when 
Cicero,  an  immigrant  into  Rome,  put  himself  forward  as  its 
savior.  He  was  going  on  with  further  insults  when  the 
senate  interrupted  him  with  cries  of  hostis,  parricida.  He 
rushed  from  the  temple,  and,  after  a  last  meeting  with  his 
accomplices,  he  left  the  city  the  same  night  to  join  Manlius. 
His  friends  spread  the  report  that  he  was  going  into  exile 
at  Massilia,  a  report  that  Catilina  craftily  confirmed  by 
letters  written  to  prominent  men  at  Kome. 

52  THE  SECOND  ORATION.  —  The  next  day  Cicero  delivered 
an  address  to  the  people,  corresponding  to  a  proclamation 
of  the  president  of  the  United  States  or  an  "  inspired  edi- 
torial "  in  a  European  court  journal.     He  acquainted  the 
citizens  with  the  condition  of  affairs  within  and  without 
the  city,  defended  himself  from  a  double  charge,  busily 
circulated  by  his  enemies,  that  Catilina  if  guilty  had  been 
allowed  to  escape,  if  innocent  had  been  driven  into  exile, 
encouraged  those  who  were  anxious  over  the  result  of  the 
apprehended  war,  and  finally  tried  to  frighten  from  their 
purposes  the  conspirators  that  were  in  the  city. 

53  In  a  few  days,  as  Cicero  had  predicted,  came  the  news 
that  Catilina,  with  the  fasces  and  other  insignia  of  a  consul, 
had  entered  the  camp  of  Manlius.     The  senate  immediately 
declared  them  both  outlaws  and  traitors,  promised  amnesty 
to  their  followers  who  should  lay  down  their  arms  by  a 
fixed  day,  and  commissioned  the  consuls  to  raise  troops. 
Antonius  was  directed  to  take  the  field  against  Catilina, 
while  Cicero  took  charge  of  the  city.     Days  passed  with 
no  decisive   action  —  outside   the   city  both   parties  were 
gathering  forces,  inside  they  were  watching  and  waiting. 

54  CATILINA'S  REPRESENTATIVES  AT  ROME.  —  Catilina  had 
left  the  senators  Lentulus,  Cassius,  and  Cethegus  to  watch 
over  his  interests  at  Rome.     P.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Sura 
had   been  consul  in  71,  but  had   been  removed  from  the 
senate  on  account  of  his  immoral  life,  and,  in  order  to  re- 
gain his  seat,  had  a  second  time  stood  for  and  obtained  the 


HIS   CONSULSHIP.  33 

praetorship.  He  was  slow  of  thought  and  action,  and  ex- 
tremely superstitious  —  at  this  time  the  victim  of  pre- 
tended soothsayers,  who  assured  him  he  was  the  third 
Cornelius  whom  fate  had  destined  to  rule  at  Home.  L. 
Cassius  Longinus  had  been  one  of  Cicero's  competitors  for 
the  consulship;  he  was  looked  upon  as  indolent  and  stupid 
rather  than  wicked,  and  people  could  scarcely  believe  him 
in  the  plot.  C.  Cethegus  was  a  young  man  of  reckless  life  55 
who  was  said  to  have  been  concerned  in  the  conspiracy  of 
65  (§  30).  Besides  these,  the  knights  P.  Gabinius  Capito, 
whom  Cicero  calls  Cimber  Gabinius,  and  L.  Statilius,  were 
especially  active.  Lentulus  was  the  authorized  leader,  and 
he  refused  to  resort  to  the  torch  and  dagger  until  Catilina 
should  move  upon  the  city.  At  last  his  impatient  and 
sanguine  accomplices  forced  him  to  appoint  the  night  of 
the  19th  of  December,  the  feast  of  Saturn,  for  the  general 
rising.  Cicero  was  convinced  of  their  complicity  in  the 
plot,  and  was  informed  of  their  plans,  but  in  the  absence 
of  legal  proofs  he  could  only  wait  for  some  overt  act  while, 
providing  for  the  safety  of  the  city  as  best  he  could. 

THE  ORATION  FOB  MURENA.  — In  the  mean  time,  one  of  56 
the  consuls-elect,  L.  Licinius  Murena,  was  impeached  for 
bribery  under  the  provisions  of  Cicero's  own  law  (§  43). 
Although  the  law  was  aimed  particularly  at  Catilina,  there 
was  little  doubt  that  all  the  candidates  were  guilty  of 
illegal  practices,  and  even  before  the  election  Cato  had  . 
declared  his  purpose  to  bring  to  trial  the  successful  men, 
whoever  they  might  be.  One  of  these,  however,  proved  to 
be  his  brother-in-law  Silanus,  and  him  Cato  permitted  to 
go  in  peace.  Associated  with  Cato  for  the  prosecution  were 
the  great  jurist  Servius  Sulpicius  E/ufus,  who  had  himself 
been  a  candidate,  and  two  unknown  men  of  no  importance. 
The  trial  took  place  toward  the  end  of  November,  and  Q. 
Hortensius,  Cicero's  only  rival  in  the  courts,  and  M. 
Licinius  Crassus,  assisted  Cicero  in  the  defence.  Cicero  57 
passes  lightly  over  the  legal  points  involved  —  probably 


34  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

they  would  not  bear  much  handling  —  and  lays  the  greatest 
stress  upon  the  retention  of  Murena  in  the  consulship  as  a 
matter  of  state  expediency :  Murena  was  a  brave,  loyal, 
energetic  man,  such  as  the  crisis  required;  the  needs  of 
the  republic  should  outweigh  the  strict  requirements  of  the 
law.  In  answering  the  opposing  counsel,  who  were  his 
close  and  valued  friends,  he  adopts  a  tone  of  good-natured 
banter,  which,  though  no  less  effective  than  abuse,  could 
not  offend  them,  and  has  made  this  speech  admired  in  both 
ancient  and  modern  times.  Mr.  Forsyth  says :  "  It  is  a 
striking  proof  of  the  elastic  energy  of  Cicero's  mind  that 
at  the  very  moment  of  the  explosion  of  the  plot,  in  the 
midst  of  the  most  awful  danger,  he  was  able  to  deliver  in 
defence  of  a  friend  a  speech  distinguished  for  light  wit  and 
good-humored  raillery."  Murena  was  acquitted,  and  Cicero 
turned  his  thoughts  again  to  getting  evidence  against  the 
conspirators  in  Rome. 

58  THE  ARREST  AND  THE  THIRD   ORATION.  —  There   hap- 
pened to  be  in  Home  at  this  time  envoys  of  the  Allobroges, 
a  Gallic  people  whose  country  lay  between  the  Rhone  and 
the  Alps,  trying  to  obtain  from  the  senate  some  relief  from 
the  cruelty  and  avarice  of  the  Roman  governors.     Their 
efforts  had  been  fruitless,  and  in  the  worst  of  tempers  they 
were   preparing   to   return   to   their   homes.     With   them 
Lentulus  opened  negotiations,  using  as  go-betweens  Cimber 
Gabinius  (§  55)  and  one  P.  Umbrenus,  a  freedman  who  had 
traded  in  Gaul  and  was  personally  known  to  the  envoys. 
Lentulus   promised  the  Gauls  full   relief  under  the  new 
dispensation  of  Catilina,  and  asked  in  return  that  the  war- 
like nation  would  assist   Catilina  in  the  field,  especially 
with  cavalry.     The  Allobroges  hesitated  for  a  while,  and 
at  length  consulted  their  patronus,  Q.  Fabius  Sanga.     He 
revealed  the  plot  to  Cicero,  and  at  the  latter's  suggestion 
directed  the  envoys  to  feign  the  most  active  interest  in  the 
conspiracy  but  to  demand  from  the  leaders  in  it  written 

59  pledges  to  show  to  their  people  at  home.     Lentulus,  Stati- 


HIS  CONSULSHIP.  35 

lius,  Gabinius,  and  Cethegus  fell  into  the  trap,  but  Cassius 
explained  that  he  was  soon  going  to  Gaul  in  person,  and 
immediately  left  the  city.  The  envoys  also  secured  letters 
from  the  conspirators  to  Catilina,  by  pretending  that  they 
meant  to  turn  aside  to  see  him  on  their  journey.  Finally, 
on  the  night  of  the  2d  of  December,  they  left  Rome,  having 
all  these  damaging  documents  in  their  possession,  and 
accompanied  by  T.  Volturcius,  who  was  to  guide  them  to 
Catilina.  In  accordance  with  a  pre-arranged  plan,  they 
were  arrested  not  far  from  the  city  gates,  where  the  via 
Flaminia  crosses  the  Tiber  by  the  Mulvian  bridge,  and 
some  show  of  violence  was  made  to  shield  the  Allobroges 
from  suspicion  of  treachery.  On  the  morning  of  the  3d  of 
December  the  senate  met  in  the  temple  of  Concord.  The 
meeting  lasted  all  day,  but  in  the  evening  Cicero  gave  to 
the  expectant  people  a  report  of  the  proceedings  in  the 
THIRD  ORATION.  The  four  leaders,  Lentulus,  Statilius,  60 
Gabinius,  and  Cethegus  had  been  confronted  in  the  presence 
of  the  senate  by  the  envoys  and  by  T.  Volturcius,  who  had 
been  allowed  to  turn  state's  evidence.  The  letters  written 
by  their  own  hands  and  attested  by  their  seals  had  been 
produced  and  read,  and  the  culprits  had  confessed.  The 
senate  had  ordered  rewards  to  be  given  to  the  Allobroges, 
the  four  conspirators  to  be  kept  in  custody,  and  others 
implicated  to  be  arrested  if  possible.  The  effect  of  this 
speech  upon  the  people  was  wonderful.  Those  who  had 
been  disposed  to  doubt  could  doubt  no  longer,  and  Sallust 
tells  us  that  the  lower  classes,  who  had  sympathized  with 
Catilina  more  or  less  openly,  now  cursed  him  when  they 
understood  that  their  hereditary  enemies,  the  Gauls,  had 
been  summoned  to  burn  the  city  over  their  heads. 

THE  PUNISHMENT.  —  The   fate   of  the  conspirators  was  61 
now  to  be  determined.     Their  guilt  had  been  fully  estab- 
lished.    It  was  proved  that  they  had  formed  a  conspiracy 
against  the  government,  that  they  had  planned  an  uprising 
with  torch  and  sword,  that  —  a  still  more  heinous  offence 


36  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

in  Roman  eyes  —  they  had  summoned  a  foreign  people 
to  arms  against  their  country,  and  had  contemplated  calling 
up  the  hordes  of  slaves  against  their  masters.  In  a  well- 
ordered  commonwealth  this  would  have  been  enough  —  the 
punishment  of  high  treason  has  always  in  all  communities 
been  death.  The  civil  courts  would  have  dealt  with  the 
leaders  in  the  city,  and  the  army  with  Catilina  in  the  field. 

62  But  the  state  was  utterly  disorganized.     In  the  first  place, 
it  was  doubtful  if  the  criminals  could  be  held  for  trial. 
They  had  been  put  under  the  care  -of  certain  eminent  men 
—  Caesar  and  Crassus  among  them  —  who  were  responsible 
for  their   safe   keeping  (§  48),  but  the    freedmen   of   the 
prisoners    were   stirring,    Rome  was  full  of   desperadoes, 
the  government  had  no  efficient  police  or  military  force  at 
its  disposal,  and  finally  Catilina  was  close  at  hand.     In  the 
second  place,  even  if  brought  to  trial,  it  was  doubtful  if 
they  could  be  convicted.     The  courts  of  Rome  were  noto- 
riously corrupt ;  if  it  was  difficult  to  get  a  verdict  against 
an  influential  man  in  an  ordinary  criminal  case,  in  a  politi- 
cal one   it   would   have  been  almost  impossible.     No  one 
knew   how    far    the    conspiracy    extended  —  Caesar    and 
Crassus  were  suspected,  though  probably  unjustly,  of  com- 
plicity  in   it — and  the   very   jurors    selected   to   try  the 

63  accused  might  have   proved   to  be  their  accomplices.     In 
the  third  place,  granting  that  the  prisoners  could  be  held  for 
trial,  and  that  a  fair  trial  was  possible,  their  punishment 
was  a  still  more  puzzling  question.     Penal  imprisonment 
had  never  been  known  at  Rome,  and  the  death  penalty, 
originally  imposed  by  the  people  in  full  assembly  only,  had 
ceased  to  be  inflicted.     In  ordinary  practice  a  criminal  who 
looked  upon   his   conviction   as   certain,    was   allowed   to 
escape  the  theoretical  punishment  of  death  by  going  into 
exile  (§  20),  but  the  courts  no  more  imposed  exile  as  a 
penalty  than  our  courts  now  banish  defaulters  to  Canada. 
The  criminal,  by  a  legal  fiction,  left  his  country  of  his  own 
accord  and  was  merely  forbidden  to  return.     In  the  case 


HIS   CONSULSHIP.  37 

of  Lentulus  and  his  associates,  this  voluntary  exile  would 
have  been  farcical  —  they  would  simply  have  joined  Cati- 
lina  to  take  up  arms  against  the  country.  Such  an  act 
would  have  been  a  confession  of  weakneSk  almost  fatal  to 
the  government. 

THE  CONSULTUM  ULTIMUM.  —  It  was  therefore  sug-  64 
gested  that  the  prisoners  be  put  to  death  without  a  trial  by 
the  mere  order  of  the  consul.  It  has  been  said  (§  47)  that 
on  the  21st  of  October  the  senate  had  passed  the  con- 
sultum  ultimum,  VIDEANT  CONSULES  NE  QUID  RES  PUBLICA 
DETRIMENTI  cApiAT.  Good  constitutional  lawyers,  Cicero 
among  them,  had  always  maintained  that  by  this  decree  the 
consuls  were  empowered  to  perform  any  act  deemed  neces- 
sary for  the  safety  of  the  state,  that  the  laws  and  constitution 
were  temporarily  suspended.  On  the  other  hand,  authori- 
ties equally  good  maintained  that  by  this  decree  the  senate 
delegated  its  own  powers  only  to  the  consuls,  and  that,  as 
the  senate  had  no  judicial  powers  at  all,  it  did  not  and 
could  not  give  the  consuls  any  authority  over  courts  and 
processes  of  law.  This  is  the  great  constitutional  question  65 
that  had  so  much  to  do  with  Cicero's  career.  It  was  unde- 
cided in  his  day,  and  we  cannot  decide  it  now.  Cicero  had 
always  asserted  the  unlimited  powers  of  the  consuls  by 
this  decree,  but  when  he  became  the  consul  upon  whom 
rested  the  fearful  responsibility  he  hesitated  to  act.  Con- 
vinced, however,  that  the  death  of  the  ringleaders  was 
necessary  to  the  security  of  the  state,  he  resolved  to  incur 
the  responsibility,  but  he  felt  that  the  senate  should  at 
least  declare  in  set  terms  that  it  counseled  and  approved 
their  execution.  He  therefore  summoned  the  senate  on 
the  5th  of  December,  the  fateful  Nonae  Decembres  of  which 
he  so  often  speaks,  to  pronounce  upon  the  fate  of  the 
conspirators. 

THE  FOURTH  ORATION.  —  The  first  to  give  his  opinion  66 
was  the  consul-elect,  D.  Junius   Silanus,  who  boldly  de-_ 
clared  for  the  death  penalty.     With  him  agreed  the  sen- 


38 


LIFE   OF   CICERO. 


ators  one  by  one  until  it  came  Caesar's  turn.  He  proposed 
imprisonment  for  life  in  the  country  towns  with  confisca- 
tion of  property,  and  in  an  eloquent  speech  dwelt  upon  the 
unconstitutionally  of  putting  the  men  to  death  untried, 
and  upon  the  vengeance  the  people  would  surely  exact 
from  the  consul  who  should  thus  disregard  their  ancient 
right  to  impose  the  sentence.  His  speech  turned  the  tide. 
All  who  followed  him,  including  Cicero's  brother,  voted 
with  him,  and  many  who  had  followed  Silanus  changed 
their  votes.  The  consul's  friends  crowded  around  his 
chair  imploring  him  to  think  of  his  own  safety  and  lend 

67  his  eloquence  to  the  support  of    the  safer  proposal.     All 
eyes  were  turned  upon  him  as  he  rose  to  speak,  as  the  con- 
sul had  a  right  to  do  at  any  point  in  the  debate.     Without 
giving  his  voice  outright  for  either  proposal,  he  declared 
his   belief    that   the  prisoners,  by  confessing  themselves 
hostes,  had  lost  their  rights  as  cives,  and  urged  the  senators 
to  take  no  thought  of  his  safety,  but  consider  the  interests 
of  the  state  only.     Still  the  senate  wavered,  and  the  decis- 
ion was  about  to  be  postponed,  when  Cato  in  a  vigorous 
speech  declared  for  death.      The  majority  followed   him, 
and  that  night  the  five  ringleaders  were  strangled  in  the 
Tullianum,  the  dungeon  beneath  the  prison. 

68  THE  END  OF  THE  CONSPIRACY.  —  This  bold  and  decisive 
act   broke   the   backbone   of   the   conspiracy.     From   this 
moment  Catilina  received  no  accessions  of  strength,  and 
his  followers  even  began  to  desert  him.     His  attempted 
retreat  with  his  army  into  Gaul  was  blocked  by  the  praetor 
Metellus  Celer  (§  47>  while  M.  Petreius,  the  legatus  of 
Antoirius   (§  53),  advanced  against   him  from  the  south. 
Early  in  62,  when  Cicero's  year  of  office  had  expired,  the 
opposing  forces  met  near  Pistoria  in  Etruria.     Catilina  and 
his  followers,  after  fighting  with  the  most  desperate  cour- 
age, were  defeated  and  slain  to  a  man.     The  body  of  their 
leader  was  found  far  in  advance  of  his  men  covered  by  a 
heap   of   dead   soldiers  that  he  had  killed  with  his  own 
hand. 


HIS   EXILE  AND  RETURN.  39 

But  before  Cicero's  term  had  ended  he  received  an  earn-  69 
est  of  the  reward  he  was  to  get  for  his  boldness  in  behalf 
of  the  state.  On  the  31st  of  December,  as  he  was 
about  to  lay  down  his  office  before  the  assembled  people, 
and  as  he  ascended  the  rostra  to  deliver  the  usual  address, 
the  newly  elected  tribune  (p.  61,  §  61},  Q.  Metellus  Nepos, 
forbade  him  to  speak :  "  A  man  who  had  put  Koman  citi- 
zens to  death  without  a  hearing  did  not  himself  deserve  a 
hearing."  He  permitted  the  consul,  however,  to  take  the 
customary  oath  that  he  had  observed  the  laws,  and  Cicero 
added  in  a  loud  voice  that  he  had  saved  the  country  too. 
The  people  shouted  their  absent,  hailed  him  as  pater  patriae 
and  in  crowds  escorted  him,  now  ex-consul,  to  his  home. 


HIS  EXILE  AND  RETURN. 

AGITATION  OF  NEPOS.  —  The  political  disputes  between  70 
the  conservatives  and  democrats,  which  had  ceased  during 
the  common  danger  from  the  conspiracy,  revived  in  the 
year  62.  The  above-mentioned  tribune,  Metellus  Nepos,  a 
friend  of  Pompeius  and  initiated  into  his  plans  while  his 
legatus  in  Asia  (§  24),  fiercely  assailed  Cicero  and  through 
him  the  whole  senate.  He  denounced  the  execution  of  the 
conspirators  as  arbitrary  and  unconstitutional,  and  re- 
proached the  senate  bitterly  because  of  the  continued  pros- 
ecution of  Catilina's  associates.  At  last  in  connection  with 
Caesar,  who  was  now  praetor  and  wished  to  lessen  the 
power  of  the  senate,  he  proposed  a  bill  recalling  Pompeius 
with  his  army  to  defend  the  state  endangered  by  Cicero's 
misrule.  But  the  conservatives  had  gained  courage  by 
their  victory  over  the  anarchists,  and  strength  by  the 
better  feeling  which  Cicero  had  fostered  between  the 
senate  and  the  equites.  They  met  the  proposal  of  Me- 
tellus with  such  determined  bravery  that  he  left  the  city 
and  returned  to  Pompeius.  For  a  time  the  democratic 


40  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

opposition  languished,  and  with  the  ascendency  of  the  con- 
servatives Cicero  was  secure. 

71  THE    ORATION  FOR  SULLA.  —  Meanwhile   in   the   early 
months  of  62  the  ordinary  criminal  law  was  set  in  motion 
against  several  of  Catilina's  party,  whose  guilt  was  for  the 
most  part  clear.     Among  them  were  Autronius  (§  30)  who 
vainly  appealed  to  Cicero  once  his  colleague  in  the  quaes- 
torship,  Servius  and  Publius   Sulla,  nephews  of  the  dicta- 
tor, M.  Porcius  Laeca,  at  whose  house  (§49)  the  famous 
meeting  was  held,  Lucius  Vargunteius  and  Gains  Cornelius 
the   would-be    murderers   of    Cicero.     Against    all    these 
Cicero  gave  evidence  and  none  were  acquitted.     When  four 
years  later  he  was  driven  from  Borne,  Autronius  was  living 
in  Epirus  in  exile.     About  the  middle  of  the  year,  prob- 
ably in  July,  occurred  the  trial  of  P.  Cornelius  Sulla  on 
the  charge  of  complicity  in  the  First  Conspiracy  (§§  30- 
32).     Since  his  conviction  for  bribery  he  had  been  living  in 
retirement,  almost  constantly  at  Naples,  though  an  effort 

72  had  been  made  to  remove  his  political  disabilities.     He  was 
prosecuted  by  T.  Manlius  Torquatus,  son  of  the  consul  who 
had  been  elected  in  his  place,  and  by  C.  Cornelius,  son  of 
the  conspirator  of  the  same  name,  and  known  from  Cicero's 
speech  only.     Cicero's  reason  for  undertaking  the  defence 
does  not  appear  upon  the  surface.     He  alleges  his  desire  to 
aid  a  man  whom  he  had  good  reasons  for  believing  innocent, 
his  anxiety  to  show  that  he  could  on  due  occasion  be  mer- 
ciful as  well  as  severe,  a  natural  impulse  to  act  with  the 
most  distinguished  men  of  the  day,  who  had  turned  their 
backs  upon  Vargunteius  and  the  rest,  but  warmly  supported 
Sulla.     His  real  reason  was  that  he  was  casting  about  for 
friends  in  the  troubles  plainly  approaching.    Sulla's  wealth 
and    influence   were    very    considerable,    and    Cicero   was 
anxious  to  lay  him  and  his  powerful  friends  under  an  obli- 
gation.    With  Cicero  was    associated   Hortensius    (§  56). 
Sulla  was  acquitted,  but  we  know  little  of  his  subsequent 
career. 


HIS   EXILE   AND   RETURN.  41 

THE  AFFAIR  OF  CLODIUS.  —  But  toward  the  close  of  the  73 
year  62  occurred  a  circumstance  that  excited  party  strife 
again,  and  exercised  the  most  baneful  influence  over 
Cicero's  later  fortunes.  P.  Clodius  Pulcher  (§  33),  a  young 
man  of  ancient  and  noble  family,  but  guilty  of  all  sorts  of 
excesses,  in  prosecution  of  an  intrigue  with  Caesar's  wife, 
ventured  to  disguise  himself  as  a  dancing-girl,  and  steal 
into  Caesar's  official  residence  at  the  time  when  the  myster- 
ies of  the  Bona  Dea,  at  which  the  presence  of  men  was 
strictly  forbidden,  were  being  celebrated  there.  Caesar 
was  then  pontifex  maximus  (§  39),  but  absent  as  propraetor 
in  Spain.  Clodius  was  detected,  but  escaped.  The  high 
priests  declared  the  act  sacrilegious,  and  required  the 
matrons  and  vestals  to  repeat  the  rites.  Besides  this  the 
senate  ordered  a  judicial  inquiry,  and  for  the  purpose  of 
securing  greater  rigor  resolved  that  the  jurors  should  be 
selected  by  the  praetor,  and  not,  as  was  usual,  be  drawn  by 
lot.  This  required  the  assent  of  the  people,  and  party  74 
feeling  prolonged  the  discussion  into  the  year  61  when  the 
senate  was  defeated.  The  jurors  were  selected  by  lot,  and 
the  money  of  Crassus,  who,  in  concert  with  Caesar,  used 
every  opportunity  to  humiliate  the  senate,  secured  the 
acquittal  of  Clodius  by  a  vote  of  thirty-one  to  twenty-five. 
Cicero  had  from  the  beginning  championed  the  cause  of 
the  senate,  but  without  personal  bitterness  toward  Clodius. 
Now,  however,  for  reasons  unknown  to  us,  he  suddenly  be- 
came his  most  vindictive  foe.  He  not  only  destroyed  dur- 
ing the  trial  the  attempted  alibi  by  testifying  that  Clodius 
was  at  his  house  when  he  claimed  to  be  miles  from  Borne, 
but  after  the  verdict  was  rendered  he  let  no  opportunity 
pass  to  twit  him  with  the  crime  and  the  trial.  Clodius 
soon  went  to  Sicily  as  quaestor,  but  he  had  resolved  on 
revenge,  and  was  merely  biding  his  time. 

THE  FIRST    TRIUMVIRATE. — In  61  Pompeius  returned  75 
victorious  from  Asia,  but  was  coldly  received  by  the  con- 
servatives.    A  triumph  was  granted  him  and  celebrated 


42  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

with  great  magnificence,  but  the  arrangements  made  by 
him  in  the  east  and  the  rewards  promised  to  his  soldiers 
met  with  much  opposition  and  delay.  In  60  Caesar  re- 
turned from  Spain,  and  there  was  soon  formed  the  so-called 
first  triumvirate  between  Pompeius,  Crassus,  and  Caesar. 
Pompeius  contributed  his  military  reputation,  Crassus  his 
wealth,  and  Caesar  his  influence  as  a  political  manipulator. 
United  they  were  irresistible  —  the  only  opposition  they 
feared  came  from  Cato  and  Cicero.  They  silenced  Cato  by 
sending  him  to  Cyprus  on  government  business.  They 
made  every  effort  to  win  Cicero's  support,  and,  when  this 

76  had  failed,  to  secure  his  silence  and  neutrality.     They  tried 
to  induce  him  to  accompany  Caesar  into  Gaul  as  legatus  on 
his  staff,  then  to  go  abroad  at  public  expense  (libera  legatio) 
as  if  on  public   business,  and  finally  to  preside  over  the 
board  of  twenty  senators  appointed  to  distribute  lands  in 
Campania  —  all  with  a  view  to  getting  him  out  of  Italy,  or 
at  least  out  of  Koine.     Cicero  declined  all  these  offers. 
Even  his  unreasonable  admiration  for  Pompeius  (§  24)  could 
not  reconcile  him   to  the  desertion  of  the  conservatives, 
although  he  saw  that  that  party  was  unable  to  defend  him 
against  the  attacks  of  the  Catilinarians  or  to  maintain  its 
temporary  connection  with  the  equites  (§  11),  which  had 
up  to  this  time  secured  its  position  against  the  democrats 
(§  70).    His  refusal  to  be  silenced  cost  him  dearly.     Unable 
to  cajole  him,  the  regents  resolved  to  coerce  him,  and  em- 
ployed as  their  tool  for  this  purpose  Clodius,  who  had  now 
returned  to  Eome. 

77  CLODIUS'   EEVENGE.  —  Eager   to    wreak   his    vengeance 
upon  Cicero,  Clodius  had  sought  to  arm  himself  with  the 
formidable   power  of  the  tribunate.     For  this  purpose  it 
was  necessary  that  he,  patrician  born,  should  be  adopted 
into  a  plebeian  family,  a  proceeding  violently  resisted  by 
the  conservatives,  and  accomplished  only  by  Caesar's  help. 
Clodius  entered  upon  his  new  office  on  the  10th  of  Decem- 
ber, 59,  and  proceeded,  by  various  proposals,  to  attach  to 


HIS   EXILE   AND   RETURN.  43 

himself  men  of  all  parties,  especially  Cicero's  personal  or 
political  enemies.  He  won  the  favor  of  the  poor  by  his 
corn-law,  gratified  many  knights  and  even  senators  by 
limiting  the  power  of  the  censors  (p.  65,  §  56),  and  paved 
the  way  for  his  favorite  political  tactics  by  abrogating  the 
law  which  had  put  a  check  upon  tumultuous  assemblies  of 
the  people,  and  by  restoring  the  suppressed  ward  clubs.  78 
As  soon  as  he  had  thus  secured  a  following  upon  which  he 
could  rely,  he  came  forward  early  in  58,  in  the  consulship 
of  L.  Calpurnius  Piso  and  Aulus  Gabinius,  with  a  bill  pro- 
viding that  any  person  who  had  caused  a  Roman  citizen  to 
be  put  to  death  without  a  formal  trial  should  be  punished 
with  banishment.  Cicero's  name  was  not  mentioned,  but 
it  was  easy  to  see  that  the  law  was  aimed  at  the  proceed- 
ings of  the  5th  of  December,  63  (§§  65-67).  Cicero 
seemed  at  once  to  lose  all  his  wonted  resolution.  Without 
awaiting  the  progress  of  events,  while  it  was  yet  uncer- 
tain that  the  bill  would  pass,  he  put  off  his  senatorial  dress, 
assumed  that  of  a  knight,  and,  in  deep  mourning,  went 
about  appealing  for  sympathy  and  assistance  as  if  already 
accused.  There  was  no  lack  of  sympathy  :  20,000  citizens, 
knights,  and  senators  put  on  mourning  too,  although  the 
consuls  by  edict  forced  the  senate  to  resume  its  usual  dress.  79 
L.  Ninnius,  a  tribune,  and  L.  Lamia,  a  knight,  were  espe- 
cially active  in  Cicero's  behalf,  until  Clodius  prevented  the 
former  from  addressing  the  people,  and  Gabinius  banished 
the  latter  from  the  city.  Cicero's  friends  were  harassed 
also  at  all  times  by  Clodius'  hired  bullies.  Opinions  differed 
as  to  what  Cicero  ought  to  do.  Some  advised  him  to  remain 
until  a  direct  attack  was  made  upon  him  ;  L.  Lucullus 
in  particular  was  eager  to  resort  to  force  in  his  behalf, 
knowing  that  the  great  mass  of  moderate  and  peaceful  citi- 
zens, especially  those  in  the  country  towns,  were  devoted 
to  him.  But  others,  among  them  many  of  his  sincerest 
friends,  counseled  temporary  submission,  encouraging  him 
to  hope  for  an  immediate  recall.  To  these  Cicero  yielded, 


44  LIFE   OF  CICERO. 

and,  accompanied  by  crowds  of  those  who  loved  and  hon- 
ored him,  he  left  the  city  about  the  end  of  March,  58 ;  into 
exile  itself  he  was  afterwards  followed  by  clients,  freed- 
inen,  and  slaves. 

80  CICERO'S  BANISHMENT.  —  No  sooner  had  he  gone  than 
Clodius  proposed  his  formal  banishment,  and  the  people 
voted  it.     He   was   forbidden   the   use   of    fire  and  water 
within  400  miles  of  Rome,  all  who  sheltered  him  within 
these  limits  were  threatened  with   punishment,  and  the 
senate  and  people  were  forbidden  to  agitate  for  his  recall. 
Not  a  night  was  suffered  to  pass  before  his  property  ivas 
seized  by  his  unrelenting   enemies.      His   house    on   the 
Palatine  (§  50)  was  reduced  to  ashes,  and  on  a  part  of  its 
site  a  temple  was  consecrated  by  Clodius  to  the  goddess 
Libertas.     His  villas  at  Formiae  and  Tusculum  were  pil- 
laged and  destroyed,  and  the  consuls  appropriated  a  good 
deal  of  the  spoil.     Nor  was  his  family  spared.     Cicero  tells 
us  that  his  children  were  sought  that  they  might  be  mur- 
dered.     His  wife,  Terentia,  fled  to  her  half-sister  Fabia 
(§  27),  a  vestal,  and  was  dragged  from  Vesta's  temple  to  a 
bank  to  give  security  for  paying  over  Cicero's  ready  money 
to  his  enemies.     The  news  of  these  outrages  reached  him 
before  he  left  Italy,  and  he  already  regretted  not  having 

81  followed  the  advice  of  Lucullus.     He  had  left  Koine   un- 
certain as  to  his  destination.     He  repaired  at  first  to  Vibo, 
in  Bruttium,  where  he  had  a  friend  named  Sicca,  and  there 
he  first  heard  of  the  enactment  of  the  law  and  of  the  limits 
fixed  in  it.     He  was  refused  an  asylum  in  Sicily  by  the 
praetor,  C.  Vergilius,   who   feared  the  dominant  party  in 
Rome,  although  Cicero's  services  to  the  Sicilians  (§§  16, 19) 
would  have  insured  a  kindly  reception  by  the  provincials. 
He  went,  therefore,  to  Dyrrachium,  declining  an  invitation 
to  the  estate  of  Atticus  (§  15),  and  avoiding  Greece  for  fear 
of  meeting  some  Catilinarians  who  were  living  there  (§  71) 
in  exile.     In  Macedonia  he  found  a  devoted  friend  in  the 
quaestor,  Cn.  Plancius,  who  had  hurried  to  meet  him  at 


HIS   EXILE   AND   EETURN.  45 

Dyrrachium  and  offered  his  hospitality.  At  his  house,  not 
far  from  Thessalonica,  Cicero  lived  in  security  but  in  deep 
dejection.  He  apprehended  that  his  brother  Quintus,  then 
returning  from  his  administration  of  Asia,  might  be  perse- 
cuted for  his  sake,  suspected  false  dealings  on  the  part  of 
Hortensius  and  others,  and  was  tormented  by  fears  for  his 
,wife  and  children. 

EFFORTS  FOR  His  RECALL.  —  Meanwhile,  his  friends  in  82 
Eome  had  not  been  idle.  The  conservatives  felt  bound  to 
secure  the  recall  of  the  man  through  whose  exile  their 
weakness  had  been  so  exposed.  As  early  as  the  1st  of 
June  the  tribune  L.  Ninnius  had  proposed  his  recall  before 
the  senate,  and,  while  the  measure  did  not  pass,  it  at  least 
nerved  the  senate  from  this  time  to  devote  all  its  energies 
to  Cicero's  cause.  On  the  27th  of  October  all  the  tribunes 
except  Clodius  and  Aelius  Ligus  repeated  the  proposition. 
So  long,  however,  as  Clodius  was  in  office  nothing  could  be 
accomplished;  besides  Caesar,  who  from  G-aul  exercised 
great  influence  on  affairs  at  Rome,  had  not  yet  declared  for 
Cicero,  and  Pompeius,  to  whom  Cicero  had  written  in  May, 
also  failed  him.  At  last  Clodius  quarrelled  with  Pompeius, 
and  the  latter  determined,  out  of  spite,  to  recall  the 
former's  arch-enemy  Cicero.  On  the  1st  of  January,  57, 
two  new  consuls  entered  office,  P.  Lentulus  Spinther  and 
Q.  Metellus  Nepos.  Lentulus  was  a  devoted  friend  of 
Cicero,  and  Metellus  gave  up  his  enmity  (§§69,  70)  at  the 
instance  of  Pompeius.  It  was  determined  to  recall  Cicero,  83 
not  by  a  decree  of  the  senate  but  by  a  vote  of  the  tribes 
(p.  59,  §  29),  and  the  25th  of  January  was  fixed  for  the 
attempt.  Although  Clodius  was  now  out  of  office,  he  was 
still  as  active  and  unscrupulous  as  ever  in  his  opposition, 
and  sought  to  make  up  for  his  loss  of  power  by  the  use  of 
force  and  arms.  With  a  band  of  gladiators  he  took  pos- 
session of  the  forum  early  in  the  morning  of  the  appointed 
day,  drove  away  the  friends  of  Cicero,  and  spread  terror 
through  the  streets.  The  tribunes  Sestius  and  Milo  adopted 


46  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

like  tactics,  and  for  weeks  the  city  was  the  battle-grounc 
of  the  two  factions.  Finally,  as  the  tribes  could  not  mee 
for  the  transaction  of  business,  the  senate  determined  to 
put  an  end  to  the  struggle  by  a  vote  of  the  centuries  (p 
59,  §  30),  and  summoned  to  the  city  citizens  from  all  parts 
of  Italy.  Pompeius  visited  in  person  the  towns  and  colo 
nies,  and  exerted  all  his  influence  for  Cicero.  So,  on  th( 
4th  of  August,  the  resolution  for  his  recall  was  finally 
passed  by  an  assembly  that  the  Campus  Martius  coulc 
scarcely  contain  and  Clodius  could  not  daunt.  The  news 
filled  the  city  with  indescribable  joy. 

84  CICERO'S  RETURN.  —  Cicero  had  not  waited  in  Macedonia 
for  the  decree  to  pass.     Having  learned  from  his  friends 
that   his   recall  was   merely  a  question  of   time,  he   hac 
returned  in  November,  58,  to  Dyrrachium,  where  he  waite( 
and  watched  the  progress  of  events.     He  sailed  for  Bran 
disium  as  it  chanced  on  the   very  day   that   the  people 
authorized   his   return,    and  reached  Italy  on   the   5th  o 
August ,  after  an   absence  of  about  sixteen  months.     Al 
Brundisium   his   daughter  Tullia  met   him,  —  the  5th   o 
August  happened  to   be  her  birthday,  —  and  here  on  th< 
8th  he  learned  finally  that  his  banishment  was  at  an  end 
His  return   to   Rome   was  a  triumphal   march.      Crowds 
attended   him ;   deputations  from  all  over  Italy  met  anc 
welcomed   him ;   no   sign   of  joy  or   mark   of   honor   was 
omitted  on  the  way,  and  in  the  city  itself  the  demonstra- 
tions were  on  the  grandest  scale. 

85  CICERO'S  LETTERS.  —  To  this  period  of  his  banishment 
refer  the  Letters  of  Cicero  that  are  contained  in  this  book. 
They  have  been  selected  largely  to  show  the  deep  dejection 
into  which  he  was  plunged  by  his  removal  from  the  capital. 
From  these  and  other  letters  of  the  same  period  modern 
writers  have  chiefly  derived  the  material  for  their  unspar- 
ingly hostile  criticism  of  his  character.     While  these  let- 
ters  show   little   of   ideal   Roman    fortitude,   while   they 
abound  in  expressions  of  doubt   and  regret  and  despair, 


HIS   EXILE   AND   RETURN.  47 

while  they  reveal  his  impatience  to  be  recalled  and  his 
injustice  to  Atticus  and  other  friends,  it  must  be  remem- 
bered, on  the  other  hand,  that  Cicero's  nature  was  keenly 
sensitive,  and  that  his  pride  had  been  most  cruelly  wounded. 
All  that  he  had  was  taken  from  him;  all  the  cherished 
occupations  of  his  life  were  over ;  and,  so  far  as  he  could 
know  at  the  time,  his  doubts  and  fears  were  justified.  The 
expression  of  these  doubts  and  fears  may  be  open  to 
criticism  as  a  matter  of  taste,  but  the  Roman  feeling  in 
regard  to  such  matters  differed  widely  from  ours.  They 
did  not  affect  a  fortitude  they  did  not  have  ;  they  did  not, 
as  we  do,  try  to  conceal  their  feelings.  If  Vergil  makes 
his  great  hero  Aeneas  weep  in  storm  and  despair  in  battle, 
it  is  not  worth  while  to  make  excuses  for  similar  weakness 
on  the  part  of  Cicero. 

His  own  justification  for  his  conduct  in  retiring  before  86 
his  foes  without  a  show  of  resistance  may  be  read  in  the 
two  orations  that  complete  this  book.  Even  after  his 
return  the  city  continued  to  be  disturbed  by  brawls  and 
riots.  The  armed  bands  of  Clodius  on  the  one  hand  and 
of  Sestius  and  Milo  on  the  other  struggled  for  the  mastery 
of  the  streets  while  the  triumvirate  was  engaged  with  the 
graver  affairs  of  state.  During  the  remainder  of  the  year 
57  Cicero  was  employed  in  recovering  the  remnants  of  his 
property  and  getting  his  affairs  in  order.  The  site  of  his 
town  residence  (§  80)  was  restored  to  him,  and  damages 
paid  for  the  destruction  of  his  house  and  villas.  In  56  he 
was  busy  as  an  advocate,  taking  but  an  insignificant  part 
in  affairs  of  state.  The  rival  factions  were  employing  the 
courts  to  annoy  each  other ;  suits  and  counter-suits  were 
brought  in  rapid  succession,  and  Cicero  had  ample  opportu- 
nity to  defend  his  friends  and  assail  his  enemies. 

THE  ORATION  FOR  SESTIUS.  —  On  the  llth  of  February  87 
two  malicious  charges  were  brought  at  the  instigation  of 
Clodius   against  Cicero's  champion,  P.  Sestius.     He  was 
charged  with  bribery  (de  ambitu)  by  Cn.  Nervius  and  on 


48  LIFE   OF   CICERO. 

the  same  day  by  one  M.  Tullius  Albiovanus  with  a  breach 
of  the  peace  (de  vi),  because  he  had  gone  about  as  tribune 
with  armed  bands  disturbing  the  public  tranquillity.  Of 
the  former  charge  nothing  further  is  known.  Cicero  is 
concerned  with  the  latter  only,  and  to  this  he  pays  little 
formal  attention.  His  object  is  rather  to  give  an  outline 
of  his  client's  life  and  character,  and  especially  of  his  tribu- 
nate, in  such  a  way  as  to  bring  before  the  court  any  circum- 
stance that  might  favorably  influence  its  decision.  In  this 
historical  survey  we  have  the  fullest  possible  account  of 
the  disorders  of  the  time,  from  the  standpoint  of  the  con- 
servatives. The  trial  lasted  with  interruptions  until  the 
14th  of  March,  ending  with  the  acquittal  of  Sestius. 

88  THE  DEATH  OF  CLODIUS.  —  The  events  of  the  next  four 
years,  55-52,   have    little   to   do   with   the    conspiracy   of 
Catilina,  however  important  their  part  in  the  history  of 
Kome ;  among  them  may  be  mentioned  Caesar's  conquest 
of  Gaul,  the  defeat  and  death  of  Crassus  in  the  east,  the 
death  of  Julia,  the  daughter  of  Caesar  and  wife  of  Pompeius, 
and  the  consequent  estrangement  of  the  two  great  rivals. 
During  the  absence  of  Caesar  in  Gaul  and  Crassus  in  the 
east,  Pompeius  was  in  Rome,  and  everything  pointed  to  his 
supremacy.     As  proconsul  of  Spain  and  as  commissioner  of 
the  corn  supply  he  was  invested  with  the  highest  military 
authority,  and  by  remaining  at  Rome  he  made  his  influ- 
ence promptly  felt.     An  event  now  occurred  that  made  his 
power  still  greater.     The  year  53  had  passed  in  contention 
and  disorder.     Party  dissensions  had  been  so  violent  and 
unscrupulous  that  no  magistrates  had  been  elected  for  the 

89  following  year.     On  the  1st  of  January,  52,  there  were  no 
consuls  to  be  inaugurated.     Milo  was  one  of  the  candidatesr 
but  Clodius  had  found  means  to  prevent  his  election.     The 
wheels  of  government  had  therefore  stopped,  and  according 
to   constitutional  usage  a   series   of   interreges  had  to  be- 
appointed  by  patrician  senators  to  set  them  in  motion  again. 


HIS   EXILE  AND   RETURN.  49 

At  this  crisis  it  happened  that  Clodius  and  Milo  met  by 
accident  upon  the  via  Appia  a  few  miles  from  the  city,  each 
attended  by  his  gang  of  bullies  and  roughs.  A  quarrel 
began  among  their  followers,  and  a  free  fight  followed, 
Clodius  was  wounded  and  took  refuge  in  a  house  near  the 
road,  from  which  by  Milo's  orders  he  was  dragged  and  mur- 
dered. His  body  was  carried  to  the  city,  and  his  funeral  was 
made  the  occasion  of  a  disorderly  political  demonstration. 
The  corpse  was  burned  in  the  senate  house,  and  the  building 
itself  took  fire  and  was  consumed.  Anarchy  ran  riot,  and 
order  was  not  restored  until  Poinpeius,  in  defiance  of  consti- 
tution and  laws,  was  made  "  sole  consul "  and  put  an  end  to 
the  battle  of  bludgeons  with  the  swords  of  his  soldiers. 

THE  ORATION  FOR  MILO.  —  A  special  commission  was  90 
appointed  to  try  all  cases  growing  out  of  the  disturbance 
on  the  Appian  Way,  and  all  the  members  of  this  commission 
or  court  were  selected  by  Pompeius.  At  the  same  time 
all  men  capable  of  service  in  Italy  were  called  to  arms  and 
made  to  take  the  oath  of  obedience  to  Pompeius.  Troops 
were  stationed  at  the  Capitol,  and  the  special  court,  sitting 
in  the  forum,  was  surrounded  by  soldiers.  Before  this 
court  on  the  10th  of  April  Milo  was  arraigned  on  the 
charge  of  assault  and  homicide.  Cicero  undertook  his 
defence  for  personal  and  political  reasons.  As  he  began 
his  speech  he  was  received  with  hoots  and  yells  by  the  par- 
tisans of  Clodius  which  the  troops  were  unable  to  suppress. 
The  consequence  was  that,  for  the  first  time  in  his  long 
career,  he  lost  his  composure  and  broke  down.  Milo  went 
into  exile  at  Massilia,  whither  Cicero  sent  him  a  carefully 
polished  (§  10)  copy  of  the  speech  which  he  had  intended 
to  deliver,  and  which  we  now  possess.  Milo  is  said  to  have 
replied  on  reading  it  that  he  was  glad  the  speech  had  not 
been  spoken,  as  in  that  case  he  should  not  have  been  enjoy- 
ing the  delicious  mullets  of  Massilia.  The  oration  in  its 
revised  form  is  regarded  as  perhaps  the  very  best  specimen 
of  Cicero's  eloquence. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE. 

B.  C.     Act.  Cic. 

106         1      Coss.,   C.   Atilius  Serranus,   Q.   Servilius  Caepio.     Cicero 

born  Jan.  3d.    Pompeius  born  Sept.  30th. 
105         2       Coss.,  P.  Rutilius  Rufus,  Cn.  Manlius. 
104         3      Coss.,  C.  Marius  II.,  C..  Flavius  Fimbria. 
103         4      Coss.,  C.  Marius  III.,.  L.  Aurelius  Orestes. 
102         5      Coss.,  C.  Marius  IV.,  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus.    Marius  defeats 

the  Teutones  at  Aquae  Sextiae.     Birth  of  Q.  Cicero. 
101         6      Coss.,  C.  Marius  V.,M' Aquilius.    Marius  defeats  the  Cimbri. 
100         7      Coss.,  C.  Marius  VI.,  L.  Valerius  Flaccus.    Saturninus  and 

Glaucia  put  to  death.     Birth  of  Caesar. 
99         8      Coss.,  M.  Antonius,  A.  Postumius  Albinus. 
98         9      Coss.,  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Nepos,  T.  Didius. 
97        10     Coss.,  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus,  P.  Licinius  Crassus. 
96        11      Coss.,  C.  Cassius  Longinus,  Cn.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus. 
95        12     Coss.,  L.  Licinius  Crassus,  Q.  Mucius  Scaevola. 
94        13     Coss.,  C.  Caecilius  Caldus,  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus. 
93        14     Coss.,  C.  Valerius  Flaccus,  M.  Herennius. 
92        15      Coss.,  C.  Claudius  Pulcher,  M.  Perperna. 
91        16     Coss.,  L.   Marcius  Philippus,   Sex.   lulius  Caesar.     Cicero 

assumes  the  toga  mrilis.    Drusus  is  killed  in  a  riot. 
90        17     Coss.,  L.  lulius  Caesar,  P.  Rutilius  Rufus.     Social  War. 
89        18     Coss.,  Cn.  Pompeius  Strabo,  L.  Porcius  Cato.     Cicero  serves 

his  first  and  last  campaign. 
88        19     Coss.,  L.  Cornelius  Sulla,  Q.  Pompeius  Rufus.     Civil  Wi 

Marius  is  driven  from  Rome  by  Sulla. 
87        20     Coss.,  Cn.  Octavius,  L.  Cornelius  Cinna.    The  consuls  qi 

rel.     Marius  is  recalled  by  Cinna.    Reign  of  Terror. 
86        21      Coss.,  L.  Cornelius  Cinna  II.,   C.  Marius  VII.     Death  of 

Marius.     Birth  of  Sallust. 

85        22     Coss.,  L.  Cornelius  Cinna  III.,  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo. 

84       23     Coss. ,  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo  II. ,  L.  Cornelius  Cinna  IV.    Cinna, 

about  to  make  war  upon  Sulla  in  the  east,  is  killed  by  his 

own  soldiers. 

50 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE.  51 

B.  C.     Aet.  Cic. 

83  24  Coss.,  L.  Cornelius  Scipio  Asiaticus,  C.  lunius  Norbanus 
Bulbus.  Sulla  returns  and  begins  the  civil  war  by  defeat- 
ing Norbanus. 

82  25  Coss.,  C.  Marius  C.  F.,  Cn.  Papirius  Carbo  III.  Sulla 
becomes  Dictator  for  life.  Proscriptions. 

81  26  Coss.,  M.  Tullius  Decula,  A.  Cornelius  Dolabella.  Sulla's 
Reforms.  Courts  restored  to  the  Senate. 

80  27  Coss.,  L.  Cornelius  Sulla  II.,  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Pius. 
Cicero  defends  Roscius.  Int.  §  14. 

79  28  Coss.,  P.  Servilius  Yatia  Isauricus,  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher. 
Abdication  of  Sulla.  Cicero  studies  in  the  east.  Int. 
§  15. 

78  29  Coss.,  M.  Aemilius  Lepidus,  Q.  Lutatius  Catulus.  Death  of 
Sulla.  Civil  war  between  the  consuls. 

77  30  Coss.,  D.  luuius  Brutus,  Main.  Aemilius  Lepidus  Livianus. 
Cicero  returns  to  Rome  and  marries  Terentia.  Defeat  of 
Lepidus.  Pompeius  takes  command  against  Sertorius. 

76  31  Coss.,  Cn.  Octavius,  C.  Scribonius  Curio.  Cicero  elected  to 
the  quaestorship  anno  suo.  Birth  of  Tullia.  Int.  §  16. 

75  32  Coss.,  C.  Octavius,  C.  Aurelius  Cotta.  Cicero  is  Quaestor  at 
Lilybaeum  in  Sicily.  Int.  §  16. 

74  33  Coss.,  L.  Licinius  Lucullus,  M.  Aurelius  Cotta.  Cicero  re- 
turns to  Rome.  Lucullus  appointed  to  command  against 
Mithradates  in  the  east.  Int.  §  17. 

73  34  Coss.,  M.  Terentius  Varro,  C.  Cassius  Varus.  Cicero  labors 
in  the  forum.  Spartacus  heads  the  Servile  War. 

72        35      Coss. ,  L.  Gellius  Poplicola,  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Clodianus. 

71  36  Coss.,  Cn.  Aufidius  Orestes,  P.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Sura. 
Defeat  of  Spartacus.  Conclusion  of  the  war  in  Spain. 

70  37  Coss.,  Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus,  M.  Licinius  Crassus  Dives. 
Cicero  elected  Aedile.  Impeachment  of  Verres.  Courts 
reformed  by  the  lex  Aurelia.  Int.  §§  18-20. 

69  38  Coss.,  Q.  Hortensius,  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  (Creticus).  Cice- 
ro is  Aedile.  Lucullus  defeats  Tigranes.  Int.  §  21. 

68  39  Coss.,  L.  Caecilius  Metellus,  Q.  Marcius  Rex.  Mithradates 
reconquers  Armenia  Minor. 

67  40  Coss.,  C.  Calpurnius  Piso,  M'  Acilius  Glabrio.  Cicero  is 
elected  Praetor.  Pompeius  takes  command  against  the 
Pirates.  Mithradates  resumes  his  throne. 


52  LIFE  OF   CICERO. 

B.  C.     Aet.  Cic. 

66  41  Coss.,  M'  Aemilius  Lepidus,  L.  Volcatius  Tullus.  Cicero  is 
Praetor.  Supports  the  bill  of  Manillas,  transferring  the 
command  against  Mithradates  from  Lucullus  to  Pompeius. 
Int.  §§  22.  23,  24. 

65  42  Coss.,  L.  Aurelius  Cotta,  L.  Man  I  i  us  Torquatus.  Cicero 
begins  his  canvass  for  the  consulship.  Birth  of  his  son 
Marcus.  Pompeius  retakes  Pontus  and  reduces  Tigranes 
to  submission.  "First  Conspiracy."  Int.  §§  30-32. 

64  43  Coss.,  L.  lulius  Caesar,  C.  Marcius  Figulus.  Cicero  is 
elected  Consul  anno  suo.  Marriage  of  Tullia.  Pompeius 
makes  Syria  a  Roman  Province.  Int.  §§  33-37. 

63  44  Coss.,  M.  TULLIUS  CICERO,  C.  Antonius  Hybrida.  Orations 
against  Catilina  and  for  Murena.  Death  of  Mithradates. 
Pompeius  enters  Jerusalem.  Birth  of  C.  Octavius,  after- 
wards Caesar  Augustus.  Int.  §§  38-69. 

62  45  Coss.,  D.  lunius  Silanus,  L.  Licinius  Murena.  Oration  for 
Sulla.  Clodius  violates  mysteries  of  Bona  Dea.  Int.  §  73. 

61  46  Coss.,  M.  Pupius  Piso  Calpurnianus,  M.  Valerius  Messalla 
Niger.  Pompeius  triumphs.  Trial  of  Clodius.  Q.  Cicero 
propraetor  of  Asia.  Caesar  propraetor  of  Spain.  Int.  §  74. 

60  47  Coss.,  L.  Afranius,  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus  Celer.  Coalition 
between  Pompeius,  Crassus,  and  Caesar.  Int.  §§  75,  76. 

59  48  Coss.,  C.  lulius  Caesar,  M.  Calpurnius  Bibulus.  Clodius  is 
adopted  into  a  Plebeian  family  and  becomes  Tribune. 
Int.  §§  77,  78. 

58  49  Coss.,  L.  Calpurnius  Piso  Caesoninus,  A.  Gabinius.  Cicero 
goes  into  exile.  Int.  §§  80,  81. 

57  50  Coss.,  P.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Spinther,  Q.  Caecilius  Metellus 
Nepos.  Cicero  is  recalled.  Int.  §§82-84. 

56  51  Coss.,  Cn.  Cornelius  Lentulus  Marcellinus,  L.  Marcius  Philip- 
pus.  Cicero  defends  Sestius.  Int.  §§  86,  87. 

55  52  Coss.,  Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus  II.,  M.  Licinius  Crassus  Dives 
II.  Caesar  invades  Britain. 

54  53  Coss.,  L.  Domitius  Ahenobarbus,  Appius  Claudius  Pulcher. 
Crassus  is  defeated  by  the  Parthians. 

53  54  Coss.,  Cn.  Domitius  Calvinus,  M.  Valerius  Messalla.  Cicero 
is  elected  Augur  in  place  of  Crassus. 

52  55  Coss.,  Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus  III.,  sole  Consul  for  seven 
months,  then  Cn.  Pompeius  Magnus  III.,  Q.  Metellus 
Scipio.  Cicero  defends  Milo.  Int.  §§  88-90. 


THE  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH. 

[ABOUT  THE  TIME  OF  CICERO'S  CONSULSHIP.] 

IT  is  assumed  that  the  student  has  studied  some  manual  of  Roman 
history,  and  will  understand  in  a  general  way  the  terms  used  without 
definition  in  the  earlier  sections. 

THE  ROMAN  PEOPLE. 

I.     CITIZENSHIP.  —  The  official  designation  of  the  Roman  1 
people  was  POPULUS  ROMANUS  QUIRITES  or  QUIRITIUM,  or 
simply  POPULUS  ROMANUS.     All  inhabitants  of  Italy,  ex- 
cluding women,  children,  and   slaves,    were   now  citizens 
(clues)  of  Rome,  but  their  rights  and  privileges  differed. 

The  full  rights  of  citizenship,  enjoyed  by  cives  optima  2 
iure  only,  were  as  follows  : 

a.  Private   Rights    (privata   iura) :     1.  lus    Commercii, 
right  of  holding  property.     2.  lus   Conubii,  right  of  con- 
tracting a  legal  marriage. 

b.  Public  Rights  (publica  iura)  :  1.  lus  Suffragii,  right 
of  voting.     2.  lus  Provocationis,    right  of   appeal   to   the 
whole  people  on  a  criminal  charge.     3.  lus  Honorum,  right 
of  holding  office. 

These  iura  had  belonged  at  first  to  the  Patricians  exclu-  3 
sively,  and  were  obtained  by  the  Plebs  only  after  a  long 
and  bitter  struggle,  the  details  of  which  belong  to  Roman 
history.  The  ius  commerdi  was  the  first  to  be  granted 
them ;  the  Servian  classification,  date  uncertain,  gave  them 
the  suffragium ;  the  lex  Valeria  (509)  gave  them  the  ius 
provocationis  ;  the  lex  Canuleia  (445),  the  ius  conubii ;  and 
the  lex  Licinia  (367)  gave  them  the  right  to  hold  the  con- 

53 


54  THE  ROMAN  COMMONWEALTH. 

sulship,  and  paved  the  way  to  unrestricted  ius  honorum  by 
the  year  300. 

4  Below  the  elves  optima  iure  came  a  numerous  body,  who 
had  either  never  enjoyed  full  citizenship,  or  had  lost  it  in 
whole  or  in  part.     Of  the  former  the  most  important  class 
were  the  freed  slaves  (Libertini),  who  stood  to  their  former 
masters  much   as  in   earlier   times   the  clients  had  stood 
to  the  patricians.     They  were  enrolled  as  cives,  held  prop- 
erty and  voted,  but  were  practically  denied  the  ius  honorum 
until  the  taint  of  their  origin  had  been  removed  by  several 
generations. 

5  There  were  several  ways  in  which  a  citizen  might  lose 
some  or  all  of  his  civitas.     Conviction  for  certain  offences 
(infamia),  or  going  into  exile  to  avoid  condemnation  on  a 
capital  charge,  involved  the  loss  of  certain  iura  for  life ; 
while  the  censure  of  the  Censors  (ignominia)  took  away 
certain  rights  during  their  term  of  office.     Citizenship  was 
altogether  lost  by  the  citizen's  transferring  his  allegiance 
to  another  state,  or  by  his  being  taken  captive  in  war  and 
sold  by  the  enemy  into  slavery. 

6  From  the  standpoint  of  a  magistrate  each  citizen  was  a 
caput,  a  political  unit,  and  the  loss  of  citizenship  to  a  less 
or  greater   extent   was  called  Deminutio   Capitis.     Hence 
such  expressions  as  crimen  capitale,  indicium  capitis,  poena 
capitis,  do  not  mean  a  charge,  trial,  or  punishment  in  which 
the  life  of  a  citizen  was  at  stake,  but  such  a  one  as  involved 
the  whole  or  partial  loss  of  his  civitas.     It  is  very  impor- 
tant to  remember  this  when  reading  of  Roman  courts. 

7  Citizenship  was  acquired  by  birth  in  lawful  wedlock  of 
parents  having  the  ius  conubii,  or  was  conferred  by  law,  or 
was  (rarely)  given  by  some  duly  authorized  magistrate.     A 
citizen  born  was  enrolled  as  such   on   reaching   his   17th 
year,  taking  at  once  the  class  his  father  had,  and  thence- 
forth enjoyed  all  his  rights.     These  rights  were  in  force 
wherever  in  Roman  territory  he  might  take  up  his  abode, 

8  except  that  he  must  be  in  the  city  to  vote.     There  were  prac- 


THE   ROMAN   PEOPLE.  55 

tically  no  burdens  imposed  by  citizenship.  The  citizen  was 
theoretically  liable  for  military  duty  from  his  17th  to  his 
60th  year,  and  to  pay  a  tax  if  such  was  found  necessary  in 
time  of  war.  Since  the  time  of  Marius,  however,  citizens 
no  longer  served  in  the  army  against  their  will,  and  the  rich 
revenues  from  the  provinces  made  taxation  unnecessary  even 
in  time  of  war.  * 

Entirely  outside  the  pale  of  citizenship,  and  forming,  of  9 
course,  no  part  of  the  Populus  Romanus,  were  two  numerous 
elements  in  the  population  of  the  city,  foreigners  (Pere- 
grini)  and  slaves  (Servi).  The  persons  and  property  of 
the  former  were  secured  by  law,  though  they  might  at  any 
time  be  removed  from  the  city  by  vote  of  the  people.  Slaves 
were  looked  upon  as  mere  property,  and  had  no  rights  of 
any  sort. 

II.  CLASS  DISTINCTIONS.  — Although  the  government  of  1O 
Koine  is  called  republican,  and  although  the  old  distinction 
between  patricians  and  plebeians  had  long  since  ceased  to  be 
of  political  importance,  still  there  were  differences  of  posi- 
tion between  even  the  cives  optima  hire  that  are  entirely 
foreign  to  our  ideas  of  republican  equality.  The  govern- 11 
ment  was  really  aristocratic;  and  the  preservation  of  its 
democratic  features  was  due  solely  to  the  fact  that  there 
were  two  aristocracies,  one  of  office-holders  and  the  other 
of  capitalists,  which  struggled  most  bitterly  with  each  other 
during  the  last  years  of  the  Republic. 

a.    The    Nobles.  —  The    Roman    nobility   was    now   an  12 
hereditary  rank,  based  not  upon  birth  but  upon  the  hold- 
ing of  office.     Any  man  who  held  any  curule  office,  i.e., 
any  dictator,  consul,  censor,  praetor,  or  curule  aedile,  secured 
to  his  descendants  to   the  last  generation   the   right  (ius 
imaginum)  to  display  in  their  halls  and  carry  at  funerals  a 
wax  mask  representing  his  features.     The   possession  of  13 
such   a   mask,    or   in    other  words  descent  from  a  curule 
magistrate,  was  the  patent  of  nobility,  and  all  descendants 
of    curule    magistrates    were,   therefore,   nobles    (nobiles). 


56  THE    ROMAN    COMMONWEALTH. 

The  dignity  of  a  noble  depended  upon  the  number  of  such 
masks  that  he  could  display. 

14  Ordo  Senatorius.  —  Sulla  had  increased  the  number  of 
senators  from  300  to  600  life-members,  and  had  chosen  the 
new  members   from  ex-curule  magistrates.     He  also  pro- 
vided  that   all   holders  of   curule  offices,  or   even  of  the 
quaestorship,  should  be  ipso  facto  members  of  the  senate. 

15  Such  proved  to  be  the  influence  of   the  senate  over  the 
elections  that  it  was  able  virtually  to  restrict  the  holding  of 
office  to  persons  of  its  own  choice.     The  candidates  sup- 
ported by  the  senators  were  naturally  members  of  their 
own  families  (therefore  nobles),  and  so  it  came  about  that 
the  Senatorial  Order  and  the  Nobility  were  one  and  the 
same  thing. 

16  Of  course  there  might  be  exceptions.     In  the  first  place 
a  man  not  a  noble  might  be  elected  to  office  in  spite  of  the 
senate.      Such   men    (e.g.,   Cato   the    censor,    Marius   and 
Cicero)  were  contemptuously  called  Homines  Novi,  "  Men 
without  Ancestry,"  and  although  their  descendants  would 

17  be   nobiles,  they  were  not  so  themselves.     In  the  second 
place  there  were  always  nobles  who  had  not  been  elected 
to  office,  and  were  not  therefore  of  the  senatorial  order. 
But  men  of  these  two  classes  were  comparatively  so  few  in 
number  that  for  practical  purposes  we  may  consider  the 
Nobilitas  and  the  Ordo  Senatorius  as  identical.     The  sena- 
tors wore  as  insignia  the  tunica  laticlavia  (with  a  broad 
purple  stripe),  and  those  who  had  also  held  curule  magis- 
tracies wore  the  mulleus,  a  purple  shoe. 

18  b.    The  Knights.  —  There  had  grown  up  since  the  second 
Punic  war  a  class  of    capitalists,   bound  loosely  together 
by  community   of   interests.      These  were    men  who  pre- 
ferred trade  and  speculation  to  politics,  and  had  amassed 
large  fortunes  by  their  business  ventures.     Until  the  time 
of   Gracchus  their  position   had  been   ill  defined  though 

19  their  influence  had  been  considerable.     He  won  their  sup- 
port by  securing  the  passage  of  a  law  by  the  people  giving 


THE    ROMAN    PEOPLE.  57 

the  right  of  serving  on  juries,  which  had  formerly  belonged 
to  the  senatorial  order  exclusively,  to  those  persons  not 
senators  who  were  worth  not  less  than  400,000  sesterces 
($20,000).  This  gave  the  state  a  new  order ;  and  the  nobles, 
prevented  by  law  from  engaging  in  trade,  found  themselves 
confronted  by  an  aristocracy  of  wealth,  which  they  in 
turn  excluded  from  political  preferment.  To  this  second  20 
order  the  name  Ordo  Equestris  was  given,  not  that  it  had 
anything  to  do  with  military  service,  but  because  its"census 
(400,000  sesterces)  was  the  same  that  had  in  early  times 
entitled  a  citizen  to  serve  in  the  cavalry.  The  insignia  of 
the  knights  were  a  gold  ring  and  the  tunica  angusticlavia 
(with  two  narrow  purple  stripes). 

c.  The  Commons.  —  Below  the  Nobles  and  the  Knights  21 
came  the  great  mass  of  the  citizens,  the  Commons.  They 
did  not  really  form  an  order,  had  no  insignia,  and  no  dis- 
tinctive name.  They  were  called  slightingly  the  Plebs, 
and  flatteringly  the  Populus ;  but  there  were  powerful 
plebeian  families  among  the  knights  and  nobles,  and  both 
these  classes  were  also  covered  by  the  name  Populus.  The  22 
condition  of  the.  commons  in  Cicero's  time  was  pitiable. 
The  combinations  of  capital  shut  them  out  of  commerce 
and  manufacture,  while  the  competition  of  slave  labor 
almost  closed  agriculture  and  the  trades  against  them. 
Some  found  employment  in  the  colonies  and  provinces, 
some  eked  out  a  scanty  living  on  their  farms,  some  made 
war  their  trade ;  but  the  idle  and  degraded  flocked  into  the 
capital  to  live  on  the  cheap  corn  provided  by  the  treasury, 
and  to  sell  their  votes  to  the  highest  bidder. 

It  must  be  remembered,  however,  that  no  citizen  was  23 
absolutely  excluded  from  either  of  the  ordines.  The 
meanest  citizen  could  become  a  Knight  by  amassing  the 
required  sum  of  400,000  sesterces,  and  the  poorest  could 
make  himself  a  senator  and  his  descendants  noble  by  beat- 
ing the  senatorial  candidate  for  a  quaestorship,  and  then 
gaining  a  curule  office. 


58 


THE   ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 


24  Nothing  certain  is  known  of  the  number  of  citizens  at 
this  time.  The  census  of  241  showed  260,000  citizens  of 
military  age  (§  8).  That  of  70,  when  the  franchise  had 
been  extended  over  all  Italy,  showed  450,000,  but  probably 
only  those  were  counted  who  presented  themselves  at  Home 
for  the  purpose.  These  figures  would  give  a  total  free 
population  of  about  780,000  and  1,350,000  respectively  for 
the  area  covered  by  each  census.  The  census  of  28  gave 
4,063,000  for  all  Italy ;  but  it  is  a  matter  of  dispute 
whether  this  was  the  sum  of  the  whole  population,  or  of 
those  only  of  military  age. 


THE  ASSEMBLIES. 

25  For  administrative  purposes  the  citizens  were   divided 
into  various  groups,  as  are  those  of  all  civilized  communi- 
ties to-day. 

During  the  regal  period  when  the  patricians  were  the 
only  citizens,  they  were  divided  into  thirty  curiae,  "wards." 
At  a  later  (republican)  period  all  the  people  of  the  city  and 
adjacent  territory  were  divided  according  to  locality  into 
tribus,  "tribes,"  which  in  Cicero's  time  numbered  thirty -five. 
At  a  still  later  date  these  tribes  were  subdivided  on  a  basis 
of  wealth  and  age  into  ten  centuriae,  "  centuries,"  making 
of  course  three  hundred  and  fifty  centuriae  for  all  the  people 
possessing  the  minimum  of  property  required. 

26  Each  citizen  on  being  enrolled  as  such  (§  7)  was  assigned 
by  the  censors  to  his  proper  tribe  and  century,  and  it  was 
only  as  a  part  of  such  tribe  or  century  that  he  could  exer- 
cise that  most  important  of  his  iura  publica  (§  2)  the  ius 
suffragii     That   is,  each  ward,  or   tribe,  or  century,  was 
counted  as  a  whole,  its  vote  being  determined,  as  is  the 
electoral  vote  of  one  of  our  states,  by  the  majority  of  the 
individual  votes  of  the  citizens  who  composed  it. 

27  In  accordance  with  this  triple  division  of  the  citizens 
there  were  three  great  popular  assemblies  (comitia,  from 


THE   ASSEMBLIES.  59> 

cum  and  eo),  known  respectively  as  the  Comitia  Curiata,  Co- 
mitia Tributa,  and  Comitia  Centuriata.  The  word  comitia 
is  plural  in  Latin,  but  is  used  by  English  writers  as  a  sing- 
ular also,  equivalent  to  assembly. 

I.  THE  COMITIA  CURIATA.  —  This  ancient  assembly  of  28 
the  patricians  had  lost  all  political  power,  and  was  called 
together  merely  as  a  matter  of  form  to  confer  the  impe- 
rium  upon  the  consuls,  to  authorize   adoptions,  etc.     Its 
authority  was  so  shadowy  that  the  curiae  were  merely  rep- 
resented by  a  single  delegate  each. 

II.  THE  COMITIA  TRIBUTA.  —  This  had  once  been  an  29' 
assembly  of   plebeians  only,  but  had  grown  in  influence 
until  in  Cicero's  time  it  was  the  most  important  of  the 
comitia,  and  all  legislation  had  practically  passed  into  its 
hands.     It  could  be  summoned   by  a   consul,  praetor,  or 
tribune.     Its  meetings  were  held  in  the  forum.     It  elected 
tribunes,  quaestors,  aediles,  and  petty  magistrates.     Most 

of  the  laws  that  have  come  down  to  us  were  adopted  in 
this  assembly  and  were  called  plebiscite 

III.  THE  COMITIA  CENTURIATA. — This  was   the  first  3O 
assembly  in  which  the  old  orders,  patricians  and  plebeians, 
were  associated  together.     Originally  devised  by  Servius 
Tullius  it  had  been  reconstructed  at  about  the  time  of  the 
second  Punic  war.     It  was  composed  of  the  three  hundred 
and  fifty  centuriae  mentioned  in  §  25,  formed  by  dividing 
each  of  the  thirty-five  tribes  into  five  classes,  according  to 
wealth,  and  each  of  these  classes  into  two  centuriae  accord- 
ing to  age  —  one  of  Seniores  (above  45),  one  of  Juniores. 
To  these  were  added  eighteen  centuriae  of  young  nobles 
who  had  not  been  magistrates  (§  17),  and  five  centuriae  of 
smiths,  trumpeters,  and  citizens  (called  aerarii)  who  lacked 
the  property  qualification  for  the  regular  classes,  making  a  31. 
total  of  three  hundred  and  seventy-three  centuriae.     This 
assembly   could   be    summoned  by   a    dictator,   consul,   or 
praetor.     It  met  on  the  Campus  Martins.     It  elected  con- 
suls, praetors,   and  censors.     It  possessed   full   rights   of 


60  THE  KOMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 

legislation,  but  almost  never  used  them.  It  possessed 
judicial  authority  in  criminal  cases,  but  had  delegated  it 
to  the  standing  courts.  It  had  the  power  of  declaring 
war,  but  had  allowed  the  senate  to  usurp  this  function. 

32  The  same  method  of  voting  was  used  in  all  assemblies. 
In  the  comitia  tributa  the  people  arranged  themselves  by 
tribes  in  enclosures  (saepta)  marked  off  by  ropes  or  other 
barriers.     Each  citizen  was  supplied  with  tickets  marked 
"for"  and  "  against  "  when  a  law  was  proposed,  or  with  the 
names    of   the  candidates  when  an  election  was  in  prog- 

33  ress.     One  tribe  (tribus  praerogativa)  was  selected  by  lot 
to  vote  first;  and  the  members  of  that  tribe  passed  out  of 
the  saepta  one  by  one  through  a  narrow  opening   (pons), 
each  depositing  his  ticket  in  a  box  provided  for  the  pur- 

34  pose.     The  vote  of  this  tribe  was  immediately  announced 
to  the  remaining  thirty-four,  and  (as  the  gods  were  supposed 
to  direct  the  lot)  it  was  usually  confirmed  by  a  majority  of 
the  others.     The  rest  of  the  tribes  then  voted  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  first,  but  at  the  same  time,  and  the  matter 
was  decided  by  a  majority  (eighteen)  of  the  tribal  votes. 

35  The  comitia  centuriata  went  through  similar  formalities. 
The  people  were  arranged,  each  century  to  itself,  around 
the  sides  of  the  Campus  Martius,  a  large  space  being  left 
unoccupied  in  the  centre.     The  seventy  centuries  of  the 
first  and  wealthiest  class  cast  lots  to  see  which  should  vote 
first  (centuria  praerogativa),  and  the  result  of  its  vote  was 

36  announced.     Then   the   remaining   centuries   of    the   first 
class  (sixty-nine)  and  the  eighteen  centuries  of  nobles  (§  30) 
voted  at  the  same  time.     The  other  classes  followed  in  order 
of  wealth ;  but  with  each  of  these  four  classes  voted  an  extra 
century  made  up  of  citizens  who  had  arrived  too  late  to  vote 
with  their  proper  centuries,  thus  making  a  total  of  three 
hundred   and   seventy-seven   votes,   a   majority  of   which 
decided  the  matter. 

37  None  of  these  assemblies  were  in  any  sense  deliberative 
bodies.     They  could  assemble  only  when  called  together 


THE  ASSEMBLIES.  61 

by  the  proper  magistrate,  and  then  only  to  vote  "  Yes  "  or 
"No,"  without  the  right  to  debate  or  amend,  upon  the 
question  which  he  put  before  them,  or  to  elect  or  reject 
some  candidate  whom  he  nominated  to  them.  They  were  38- 
dissolved  at  any  moment  when  it  was  his  pleasure  to  stop 
their  proceedings,  and  if  he  saw  fit  he  could  annul  the 
election  of  a  successful  candidate  by  simply  refusing  to 
officially  proclaim  the  result. 

Nor  were  the  assemblies  at  the  mercy  of  the  presiding  39s 
magistrate  only.  After  notice  had  been  given  of  the 
meeting  of  the  comitia,  it  could  be  countermanded  by  any 
magistrate  equal  or  superior  in  authority  to  the  one 
appointing  it.  Even  after  the  voting  had  begun,  it  had  to 
be  suspended  if  lightning  was  seen,  or  if  a  storm  arose, 
or  if  any  one  present  had  an  epileptic  fit,  or  if  a  tribune  of 
the  people  interposed,  or  if  night  came  on  before  the  busi- 
ness was  completed.  After  any  such  interruption  the  pro-  40' 
ceedings  had  to  be  repeated  from  the  very  beginning  — 
they  could  not  be  resumed  at  the  point  where  they  were 
discontinued.  Thus  if  at  an  election  of  the  eight  praetors 
an  interruption  took  place  after  six  had  been  chosen, 
their  election  was  null  and  void;  they  had  to  take  their 
chances  again  with  the  other  two  whenever  the  balloting 
was  renewed.  The  time  required  for  holding  an  election 
was  therefore  very  uncertain,  as,  by  one  pretext  or  another, 
it  might  be  postponed  for  weeks  and  months. 

As  a  citizen  could  vote  at  the  elections  only  as  a  mere  41 
fraction  of  a  tribe,  or  ward,  or  century,  and  at  the  cost  of  a 
journey  to  Rome  if  he  lived  elsewhere,  and  at  the  risk  of  loss 
of  time  by  interruptions  and  postponements,  the  comitia  were, 
except  in  times  of  great  excitement,  very  scantily  attended. 
Sometimes  out  of  an  entire  century  only  five  citizens  would 
be  present,  and  at  all  times  the  assembly  was  at  the  mercy 
of  the  demoralized  rabble  of  the  city  (§  22). 

CONTIONES.  —  In   the    comitia   the   people  met  to  elect  42 
magistrates  and  enact  laws,  but  in  another  class  of  assem- 


62 


THE   ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 


blies  (contiones,  from  cum  and  venio)  their  part  was  a  purely 
passive  one.  Any  magistrate  had  a  right  to  get  the  people 
together  at  any  convenient  time  and  place  for  the  purpose 
of  informing  them  about  matters  in  which  he  or  they 

43  might  be  interested.     He  could  address  them  himself  01 
give  any  one  else  the  right  to  speak.     These  assemblies  had 
no  powers  of  any  kind,  no  resolutions  were  adopted,  no 
voting  was.  done,  no  debate  was  allowed;  but  they  were 
the   one   means    of  acquainting   the    public,  citizens    anc 
slaves  and  foreigners,  with  public  events  before  the  days 
of  Court  Journals,  Congressional  Records,  or  enterprising 
newspapers. 

THE  MAGISTRATES. 

44  The  principal  magistrates,  with  the  dates  on  which  their 
offices  were  created  and  thrown  open  to  the  plebeians,  are 
shown  in  the  following  table  :  — 


OFFICE.  CREATED. 

Consul  509 

Dictator  509 

Censor  443 

Praetor  366 

Curule  Aedile  365 

Quaestor  509 
Tribune  of  the  Plebs        494  j 

Plebeian  Aedile  494  I 


OPEN  TO  PLEBEIANS. 
367 
356 
351 
337 
364 
421 

Confined  to  the  Plebs. 


45      These  offices  are  classified  in  several  ways  by  writers 
•upon  Roman  history  and  antiquities. 

I.    (a)  Extraordinary :   Dictator,   with   his    Master  of 

the  Horse. 
(b)  Ordinary  :     Consul,    censor,    praetor,    tribune, 

aedile,  quaestor. 

II.   (a)  With  imperium  (military  power) :  Dictator,  con- 
sul, praetor. 

(b)  Without    imperium:     Censor,   tribune,  aedile, 
quaestor. 


THE  MAGISTRATES.  63 

III.  (a)  Major  (having  the  right  to  take  the  auspices 
(§  87)  anywhere)  :  Dictator,  consul,  censor, 
praetor. 

(b)  Minor  (having  the  right  to  take   the  auspices 
at  Koine  only) :  Tribune,  aedile,  quaestor. 
IV.    (a)  Curule  (having  an  ivory  chair)  :  Dictator,  con- 
sul, censor,  praetor,  curule  aedile. 
(b)  Non-curule :  Tribune,  plebeian  aedile,  quaestor. 
The  duties  of  these  magistrates,  none  of  whom  received 
salary,  are  given  below  in  the  order  of  I.  (a)  and  (b)  : 

(a)  The  EXTRAORDINARY   MAGISTRATES. — In  times  of  46 
danger  without  or  of  anarchy  within  the  state,  the  senate 
might   call   upon  one  of  the   consuls   to   appoint   for  six 
months  only  an  officer  called  Dictator,  who  had  supreme 
and  absolute  authority  in  all  matters  concerning  the  state. 
The  dictator  appointed  an  assistant  or  vice-dictator,  who 
ranked  next  to  himself  in  authority  and  was  called  magister 
equitum.     After  202   the   only    dictators  were    Sulla   and  47 
Caesar,  who  entirely  changed  the  character  of  the  office  by 
holding  it  for  life  (perpetuus),  and  doing  away  with  the 
magister  equitum. 

The  word  dictator  was  also  applied  in  a  very  different 
sense  to  a  very  insignificant  person,  the  chief  magistrate 
of  a  free  town. 

(b)  The    ORDINARY   MAGISTRATES.  —  These    (excepting  48 
the  censor,  §  56)  were  elected  for  a  term  of  one  year,  the 
consuls,  censors,    and  praetors  by  the  comitia   centuriata 

(§  31),  the  others  by  the  comitia  tributa  (§  29).  All  except 
the  tribunes  and  quaestors  entered  upon  office  on  the  first 
of  January ;  the  official  year  of  the  quaestors  began 
December  5th,  that  of  the  tribunes  December  10th.  All  49 
were  elected  in  "colleges"  or  "boards"  of  two  or  more 
—  all  members  of  a  college  having  equal  authority^  and 
each  having  the  right  to  veto  the  official  acts  of  his 
colleagues.  All  had  civil  authority  (potestas},  sufficient  for 
their  several  duties,  conferred  upon  them  by  the  comitia  at 


64  THE    ROM  Aft    COMMONWEALTH. 

50  their  election.     This  potestas   varied   in    extent  with   the 
different   offices,   but   always  included  the  right  to  make 
rules  for  the  procedure  of  the  office  during  the  year,  the 
right  to  punish  those  who  violated  these  rules,  and  the 
right  to  hold  contiones  (§  42).     The  consuls  and  praetors 
had,  besides  the  potestas,  imperiu?n,  "  military  authority," 
which  was  conferred  upon  them  subsequent  to  their  inaugu- 

51  ration  by  the  comitia  curiata  (§  28).     The  consuls,  censors, 
and  curule  aediles  wore  on  ordinary  occasions  the  official 
toga  praetexta,  a  white  toga  with  purple  border;    and  at 
public  festivities  a  toga  wholly  of  purple ;  they  also  sat 
upon  an  official  chair  made  of  ivory  arid  called  the  sella- 
curulis   (representing   the   ancient    throne    of    the   kings, 
whose  authority  had  been  divided  among  these  magistrates), 
and   were    hence   called   curule    magistrates    (magistratus 
curules).     The   tribunes,    quaestors,    and   plebeian   aediles 

52  had  no  insignia.     Magistrates  could  not  be  dismissed  dur- 
ing their  year  of  office,  and  were  not  amenable  to  the  courts 
while  in  office,  though  they  were  liable  to  prosecution  for 
bribery  at  their  election  before  their  term  began,  and  for 
misbehavior   in   office   as    soon    as    their   terms    expired. 
Hence  no  magistrate  could  be  elected  to  successive  terms 
of  the  same  office. 

53  (1)  The  Consules.  —  The  consulship  was  the  goal  of  every 
Roman's  ambition,  the  highest  magistracy.     The  consuls 
were   two   in   number,  and   were  elected  several   months 
before  their  term  began,  usually  in  July,  but  the  precise 
date  was  fixed  by  the  senate.     They  were  the  ordinary  pre- 
siding officers  of  the  senate,  directed  its  deliberations,  and 
executed  its  orders.     They  took  precedence  over  all  other 
magistrates  in  summoning  the  senate  and  comitia  centuriata, 

54  and  presided  over  the  latter  body  at  the  election  of  all  curule 
magistrates.     They  usually  took  turns  in  acting  as  head  of 
the  administration,  each  taking  precedence  for  a  month, 
beginning  with  the  elder.     During  his  month  each  consul 
was   always   attended  in  public  by  twelve  Lictores,  who- 


THE  MAGISTRATES.  65 

marched  before  him  in  single  file,  each  carrying  upon  his 
shoulder  the  fasces,  a  bundle  of  rods  typifying  the  consul's 
right  to  scourge.  Originally  an  axe  had  been  bound  up  55 
with  the  rods,  but  this  was  not  carried  in  the  city  after 
the  granting  of  the  ius  provocations  (§  3).  The  consuls 
retained  as  ex-consuls  (consulares)  much  of  their  dignity, 
took  precedence  of  other  senators  in  debate,  were  alone 
eligible  to  certain  positions  of  honor,  and  gave  their  names 
to  their  year  of  office. 

(2)  The  Censores.  —  The  censors  were  two  in  number,  56 
elected  from  the  consulares  (§  55),  originally  at  the  mini- 
mum interval  of  four  years,  afterwards  once  in  five  years 
—  the  period  called  a  lustrum  —  and  holding  office  for  eigh- 
teen months.     Their  duties  were  of  three  kinds :  (a)  they 
took  the  census,  which  was  a  register  of  the  citizens  with 
their  families  and  the  amount  of  their  property,  fixed,  in 
accordance  with  this  census,  the  position  of  each  citizen 

in  his  tribe,  class,  and  century,  and  filled  vacancies  in  the 
senate,  (b)  They  had  a  general  oversight  of  public  morals,  57 
and  could  punish  any  citizen  for  scandalous  conduct  by 
removing  him,  if  a  senator  or  knight,  from  his  ordo  (§§  14r 
20),  or  if  a  commoner,  to  a  lower  class  in  his  tribe,  or  even 
into  the  ranks  of  the  aerarii  (§  30).  (c)  They  had  general 
oversight  of  the  public  finances,  collected  the  revenues  53 
by  "  farming  "  them  to  the  highest  bidders,  let  out  con- 
tracts for  public  works,  and  superintended  their  construc- 
tion. During  the  interval  between  the  abdication  of  one 
board  of  censors  and  the  election  of  their  successors  these 
last  duties  were  delegated  by  the  senate  to  the  consuls, 
praetors,  aediles,  or  other  magistrates. 

(3)  The  Praetores.  —  The  praetors  were  eight  in  number,  59 
and  corresponded  to  our  higher  judges,  being  assigned  by 
lot  to  the  several  courts.     The  one  to  whom  fell  jurisdic- 
tion in  civil   cases    between   Roman   citizens  was   called 
praetor  urbanus  ;  the  one  having  civil  jurisdiction  between 
citizens  and  foreigners  (§  9)  was  called  praetor  peregrinus  ; 


66 


THE   ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 


the   others  had  jurisdiction  in  criminal  cases,  presidi] 
over  six  of  the  quaestiones  perpetuae,  "  standing  courts.' 

60  The  praetor  urbanus  was  at  the  head  of  the  Roman  ju( 
cial  system,  and  while  possessing  no  more  real  power  ti 
his  colleagues  was  looked    upon    as    of    superior  dignity 
During  the  absence  of  both  consuls  from  the  city  he  pi 
sided  over  the  senate.     All  the  praetors  had  the  right 
summon  the  senate  and  comitia,  and  each  was  attended  ii 
the  city  by  two  lictors,  without  the  city  by  six. 

61  (4)  The  Tribuni.  —  The  tribunes  of  the  plebs  were  ten 
number,  elected  from  the   plebeians  only  (but  these  noi 
practically  included   the  whole  populus),  by  the    comitic 
tributa  presided  over  by  an  actual  tribune.     They  were  tl 
most  powerful  officers  of  the  state,  though  their  power 

of   a  negative  kind,  and  they  had   no   duties  whatevei 

Their  authority  was  confined  to  the  city  itself,  and  thei 

-persons  were  sacred,  i.e.,  it  was  death  to  offer  violence  to 

62  tribune  in  the  exercise  of  his  authority.     They  could  sum- 
mon, preside  over,  and  bring  business  before  the  senate, 
and  in  the  right  to  summon  the  comitia  tributa  they  took 
precedence    over  all     other   magistrates.     But    the    real 
source  of  the    tremendous  power  of  the  tribunes  lay  in 
their  unrestricted  ius   intercedendi,    "veto  power.'7     They 
could  veto  any  decree  of  the  senate,  any  law  of  the  comitia, 

63  and  in  general  any  public  act  of  any  magistrate.     They 
could  thus  at  any  time  bring  about  a  "  deadlock,"    com- 
pletely stopping  the  wheels  of  government.     The  only  con- 
stitutional checks  upon  the  power  of  a  tribune  were  the 
veto   of   his    colleagues   and   the   shortness   of   his  term. 
They  had  no  insignia,  but  each  was  attended  in  public  by 
a  single  Viator  (§  71). 

64  (5)  The  Aediles.  —  The  aediles  were  four  in  number,  two 
curule  and  two  plebeian.    Notwithstanding  this  distinction 
they  were  all  elected  in  the  comitia  tributa  and  were  prac- 
tically of  the  same  rank,  differing  but  little  in  their  duties. 
(a)  They  were  the  superintendents  of  the  markets,  and  had 


THE   MAGISTRATES.  67 

tribunals  in  the  forum  from  which  they  decided  petty  dis- 
putes between  buyers  and  sellers,  (b)  They  superintended 
the  distribution  of  the  grain  furnished  by  the  state  at  a 
low  cost  to  the  needy  commons,  (c)  They  had  general  65 
police  duties,  including  oversight  of  public  order,  the 
water  supply,  streets  and  squares,  and  precautions  against 
fire,  (d)  They  had  the  management  of  certain  public 
games.  This  last  function  made  the  office  eagerly  sought, 
for  the  commons  took  great  delight  in  the  shows,  and  the 
aedile  who  gratified  them  with  expensive  games  would 
reap  his  reward  when  he  ran  for  another  office. 

(6.)  The  Quaestores.  —  The  quaestors  were  twenty  in  66 
number,  and  had  duties  connected  more  or  less  closely 
with  the  treasury.  On  the  first  day  of  their  term  (§  48) 
they  determined  their  respective  places  by  lot.  Two, 
called  quaestores  urbani,  remained  in  the  city,  having 
charge  of  the  treasury  (aerarium),  and  of  the  laws,  decrees 
of  the  senate,  and  other  archives  which  were  deposited 
there  for  safe  keeping.  They  kept  the  state  accounts, 
received  the  taxes,  and  paid  out  moneys  to  the  proper 
officers  on  order  of  the  senate.  Four  others  were  assigned  67 
to  points  in  Italy  where  the  public  revenues  required  the 
presence  of  state  agents.  Others  accompanied  the  generals 
in  the  field  as  pay-  and  quarter-masters,  and  the  rest  were 
sent  to  the  provinces,  where  their  duties  resembled  those  of 
the  city  quaestors  to  whom  they  rendered  their  accounts. 

PETTY  MAGISTRATES. — Besides  these  important  magis-68 
trates   there   were  several  boards  of  inferior  magistrates 
charged   with   less   extensive   duties    and   elected   in   the 
comitia  tributa.     There  was  a  Board  of  Ten,  plebeian  law- 
yers who  advised   the   tribunes ;    a  Board  of  Three,  who 
looked   after   prisons   and  executions ;    another  Board  of 
Three,  who  superintended  the  coinage ;  a  Board  of  Four, 
who,  under  the  censors  and  aediles,  cared  for  the  streets  of 
the  city ;  and  a  Board  of  Two,  who  looked  after  the  roads  69 
outside  of  the  city.     There  were  also  four  Praefecti,  "  circuit 


68 


THE   ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 


judges,"  who  represented  the  praetor  in  Campania.  These 
petty  magistrates  are  often  grouped  together  under  the  title 
Vigintisexviri,  "  Board  of  Twenty-six." 

70  The  CIVIL  SERVICE.  —  For  the  discharge  of  public  busi- 
ness an  army  of  clerks  and  other  attendants  of  the  magis- 
trates was  maintained   at   public   expense.     Chief  among 
these  were  the  Scribae,  "  clerks,"  whole  bureaus  of  which 
were  kept  employed  by  the  senate  and  all  the  higher  magis- 
trates.    They  were  so  numerous  and  important  that  they 

71  were  called  collectively  the  Ordo  Scribarum.     The  Lictores 
were  the  attendants  of  the  dictators,  consuls,  and  praetors, 
executed  their  orders  when  force  was  required,  cleared  a 
way  for  them  through  the  streets,  and  dispersed  disorderly 
crowds  that  impeded  public  business.     The    Viatores  had 
similar  duties  and  were  the  attendants  especially  of  the 
tribunes.     Praecones,  "criers,"  were  employed  on  all  occa- 
sions when  it  was  necessary  to  make  public  proclamation 
by  word  of  mouth.     All   these  officers   received  pay  for 
their  services,  and  held  their  places  during  good  behavior. 

72  RELATIVE  BANK   OF   THE  MAGISTRATES.  —  It  has  been 
said  (§49)  that  a  magistrate   had   the   right  to  veto  the 
official  acts  of  a  colleague.     Besides  this  a  superior  magis- 
trate could  thus  annul  any  proceedings  which  had  been 
directed  by  an  inferior  magistrate.     For  the   exercise   of 
this  veto  power  the  Extraordinary  Magistrates  were  superior 
to  all  others.     Of  the  Ordinary  Magistrates  the  tribunes 
were  supreme  (§  62) ;  the  consuls  were  superior  to  the  cen- 
sors and  praetors,  but  the  lower  stages  are  uncertain. 

73  PROMAGISTRATES.  — The  consuls  and  praetors  began  their 
duties  with  auctoritas  only  (§  50),  but  in  case  of  sudden 
danger  requiring  their  services  in  the  field  they  were  at 
once  invested  with  the  imperium  (§  28).     Otherwise  they 
did  not  receive  it,  after  Sulla's  time,  until  their  year  of 
civil  authority  had  expired,  i.e.,  on  Jan.  1st,  the  day  of  the 
inauguration   of  their  successors.      They  were  then  sent, 
under  the  titles  of  Pro  consule  and  Pro  praetore  respect- 


THE  MAGISTRATES.  69 

ively,  to  govern  the  various  provinces,  and  thus  their  term 
of  office  was  extended  for  a  year  and  might  be  further  pro- 
longed. As  governors  of  provinces  there  was  no  distinction  74 
between  the  proconsuls  and  propraetors,  but  the  more 
lucrative  provinces  were  usually  assigned  to  the  former.  In 
his  province  the  governor  was  supreme,  at  once  commander 
of  the  army,  chief  executive,  and  judge  in  both  civil  and 
criminal  cases.  In  such  a  position  there  was  abundant 
opportunity  for  gaining  immense  wealth.  In  times  of  peace  75 
there  were  a  thousand  methods  of  extortion,  and  the  average 
governor  left  none  untried ;  in  time  of  war  there  were  cities 
to  be  plundered  and  captives  to  be  sold  as  slaves.  A  pro- 
vincial governorship  was  looked  upon  by  Roman  nobles  as 
a  gold  mine  from  which  to  pay  their  debts  and  buy  new 
pleasures  and  honors.  It  was  under  these  promagistrates 
that  the  provincial  quaestors  (§  67)  served,  and  the  relations 
between  them  were  naturally  close  and  confidential. 

Under  certain  circumstances  the  senate  might  have  the  76 
imperium   conferred    upon    inferior   magistrates    or   even 
private  citizens,  and  send  them  to  the  provinces  as  pro- 
magistrates,  though  they  had  not  filled  the  magistracies 
themselves. 

No  person  having  the  imperium  was  allowed  to  enter 
Home,  and  promagistrates  were  not  permitted  to  return 
from  their  provinces  cum  imperio  until  relieved  by  their 
successors. 

THE  CURSUS  HONORUM.  —  The  road  to  the  gold  mine  of  77 
the  provinces  was  not,  however,  a  short  and  easy  one.    The 
laws  fixed  the  age  at  which  each  magistracy  could  be  held, 
and  provided  that  they  should  be  taken  in  regular  order. 
This  fixed  order  was  called  the  cursus  konorum  ;  the  first  step 
was  the  quaestorship,  legal  age  thirty ;  then  the  praetorship, 
legal  age  forty ;  then  the  consulship,  legal  age  forty-three.  78 
Two  years  had  to  elapse  after  one  curule  office  had  been  held 
before  the  next  higher  could  be  taken,  no  matter  what  was 
the  age  of  the  candidate.     A  man  standing  for  (or  elected 


70  THE  ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 

to)  an  office  at  the  earliest  date  permitted  by  these  rules 
was  said  to  have  stood  (or  been  elected)  suo  anno.  An 
aspirant  for  political  honors  liked  to  hold  the  aedileship 
(see  §  65  (d))  or  the  tribuneship  between  the  quaestorship 
and  consulship,  but  was  not  required  to  do  so. 


MINISTERS  OF  RELIGION. 

79  The  Koman  commonwealth  was  conceived  of  as  founded 
by  the  gods,  and  continuously  and  directly  dependent  upon 
them.     The  national  religion  was  a  stately  ceremonial  hav- 
ing little  to  do  with  the  lives  and  morals  of  the  citizens, 
but   maintained   upon   a  lavish   scale  for  the  purpose  qf 
securing  the  favor  of  the  gods,  and  with  it  the  perpetuity 
of  the  state. 

80  These  ceremonies  were  directed   by  various  priests,  or 
colleges  of  priests,   religious   guilds   and   societies.     The 
priests,  however,  had  none  of  the  characteristics  which  we 
are  accustomed  to  associate  with  the  word.     They  did  not 
form  an  exclusive  class  or  caste,  nor  did  they  require  pre- 
liminary training  or  education.     They  were  not  excluded 
from  other  offices;   on  the  contrary,  the  more  important 
priesthoods    were   filled   by   the   greatest   statesmen   and 
generals  —  Julius  Caesar  was  Pontifex  Maxinius  while  he 
was  fighting  in  Gaul. 

81  THE  PONTIFICES. — The  most  important  of  the  priestly 
colleges  was  that  of  the  pontifices,  who  had  the  supervision 
of  the  whole  state  religion,  including  general  oversight  of 
all  the  other  ministers  of   religion,  thus  exerting   a  vast 
political  influence.     The  president  of  the  college  was  called 
Pontifex  Maximus,  and  the  position  was  upon  the  whole 
the  first  in   dignity   and   importance   in   Borne.     He  was 

82  originally  chosen  by  his  colleagues,  who  had  formed  a  self- 
perpetuating  body,  but  in  Cicero's  time  all  were  appointed  by 
the  vote  of  seventeen  tribes  selected  by  lot  from  the  thirty- 
five.     He  held  office  for  life,  lived  in  the  ancient  palace  of 


MINISTERS   OF   RELIGION.  71 

the  kings,  the  Regia,  appointed  the  fifteen  flamines  (priests 
of  particular  gods),  selected  the  Vestal  Virgins,  superin- 
tended religious  marriages,  and  other  important  family 
ceremonies,  and  with  the  aid  of  his  colleagues  regulated 
and  published  the  calendar. 

THE  AUGURES.  —  Next  in  dignity  came  the  college  of  83 
augurs,  also  fifteen  in  number,  and  elected  in  the  same  way 
as  the  pontifices.  They  were  charged  with  the  interpreta- 
tion of  the  auspices  (auspicia),  which  played  a  very 
important  part  in  political  affairs.  The  auspices  were 
entirely  distinct  from  omens  (omina),  being  simply  answers 
"  Yes  "  or  "  No  "  to  questions  put  to  the  gods  in  regard  to 
the  propriety  of  some  contemplated  act  which  Nvas  dis- 
tinctly specified.  Custom  required  that  the  gods  should  84 
thus  be  consulted  on  all  important  public  occasions.  Favor- 
able auspices,  i.  e.,  the  permission  of  the  gods,  were 
required  before  the  comitia  could  be  held,  the  senate  con- 
vened, magistrates  inaugurated,  battles  fought,  or  any  act 
affecting  the  commonwealth  performed.  These  questions 
the  gods  would  only  answer  when  put  to  them  by  a  duly 
authorized  person,  and  the  answers  were  given  by  the 
peculiar  chirp  or  flight  of  birds.  The  right  to  put  the  85 
questions  for  the  state  (auspicia  publica)  was  invested  in 
each  of  the  higher  magistrates,  who  was  said  habere 
auspicia  ;  the  interpretation  was  a  science  (ius  augurium), 
the  special  study  and  care  of  the  augurs.  Magistrates  and 
augurs  were  therefore  dependent  upon  each  other,  neither 
alone  could  get  the  information  desired. 

For  taking  the  auspices  an  open  space  was  marked  out  86 
by  the  augurs  called  templum,  the  original  sense  of  the 
word  not  implying  at  all  a  sacred  building.  The  proper 
templum  for  auspicia  publica  was  the  auguraculum  upon 
the  Capitol,  but  for  convenience  other  places,  e.g.,  the 
Rostra  in  the  forum,  the  hortus  Scipionis  in  the  campus 
Martius,  and  the  buildings  erected  as  homes  of  the  gods 
(templa,  in  our  sense),  were  "inaugurated,"  but  only  by 


72  THE   ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 

direct  permission  of  the  auspices  taken  in  the  auguraculum. 

87  Similarly,  generals  before  going  on  a  campaign  took  the 
auspices  on  the  Capitol,  and  were    said  to    "  carry  their 
auspices  "  with  them  ;  if  they  were  unsuccessful,  they  were 
thought  to  have  "lost  their  auspices,"  and  had  in  early 
days  to  return  to  Rome  for  new  ones  (auspicia  repetere). 
The  inconvenience  of  this  rule  led  to  the  invention  of  a 
new  method  of  taking  auspices,  by  watching  the  feeding 
of  sacred  chickens  which  the  general  took  along  with  him 
wherever  he  went.     Hence  the  classification  of  magistrates 
in  §  45,  III. 

88  To  both  the  augur  and  the  magistrate  the  auspices  were 
a  source  of  great  political  power.     So  minute  and  intricate 
were  the  rules  and  regulations  of  augury,  that  a  zealous 
augur  could  pick  a  flaw  in  almost  any  auspices,  and  thus 
effectually  prevent  action  on  the  part  of  magistrate,  senate, 
and  people.     And   besides,  it  was  a  principle  of  augural 
law,  confirmed  by  statute  law,  that  no  action  could  be  taken 
by  a  magistrate  if  he  was  notified  that  another  was  en- 
gaged in  taking  auspices.     This  was  because  it  was  thought 

89  that  the  will  of  the  gods  was  not  yet  fully  ascertained.     If 
therefore  a  magistrate  gave  notice  that  on  a  certain  day,  or 
series  of- days,  he  intended  to  "watch  the  heavens  "  (ser- 
vare  de  caelo),  none  of  the  acts  requiring  auspices  (§  84) 
could  be  performed  on  that  day  or  that  series  of  days.     This 
notice  was  called  obnuntiatio,  and  was  frequently  employed 
against  an  obstinate  tribune  by  magistrates  who  had  other- 

90  wise  no  power  over  him  (§  72),  as  well  as  by  the  other 
magistrates  against  each  other.     From  this  it  will  be  seen 
that  a  position  in   the    college  of  augurs  was  one   to  be 
coveted  by  men  of  the  greatest  dignity  and  highest  rank  — 
Cicero  himself  became  a  member  of  the  college  ten  years 
after  his  consulship.     The  insignia  of  the  office   were  the 
toga  praetexta,  the   purple  striped   tunic   (trabea),  and  a 

.   curved  staff  (lituus). 

91  OTHER    BOARDS. — Below   the   augurs   were    numerous 


THE  SENATE.  73 

other  boards  and  guilds.  The  Quindecemviri  Sacris 
Faciundis  had  charge  of  the  prophetic  books  (libri  Sibyllini) 
which  the  Cumaean  Sibyl  sold  to  Tarquinius  Superbus. 
They  contained  oracles  relating  to  the  state,  and  could  be 
consulted  and  interpreted  by  the  board  only  by  direct  com- 
mand of  the  senate.  The  Haruspices  were  an  unofficial  92 
guild,  though  they  were  sometimes  consulted  by  the  senate 
when  unusual  omens  or  portents  were  announced.  They 
foretold  the  future  by  lightning  and  the  entrails  of  victims 
slain  in  sacrifice,  and  thus  claimed  to  do  much  more  than 
the  augurs,  who  could  at  best  only  get  responses  to  such 
questions  as  could  be  answered  "  Yes"  or  "No."  On  the 
other  hand,  the  augurs  ridiculed  the  pretensions  of  the 
haruspices,  and  asserted  that  they  merely  worked  upon 
the  superstitious  fears  of  the  ignorant. 

THE  SENATE. 

The  senate  was  originally  the  body  of  old  men  (senatus,  93 
cf .  senex)  called  upon  by  the  King  to  advise  him  when  in 
doubt.  It  had  never  acquired  any  additional  rights  by 
law,  in  fact  it  had  no  constitutional  powers  at  all,  but  it 
had  come  to  dominate  all  departments  of  state,  to  be  in 
itself  the  government  with  the  magistrates  as  its^servants. 

One  source  of  its  power  was  its  membership,  the  ordo  94 
senatorius  described  in  §  14.  All  the  higher  magistrates 
became  members  of  the  senate  for  life  as  soon  as  their 
term  of  office  ended,  and  all  but  the  quaestors  were  sena- 
tors before  their  term  began.  The  senate  thus  contained 
by  indirect  election  all  the  picked  men  of  the  state.  Its 
leaders  were  men  trained  from  boyhood  in  the  principles  of 
government,  with  all  the  advantages  of  experience.  All 
great  generals,  all  the  men  who  had  acquaintance  with 
foreign  countries  from  having  lived  in  them  as  governors 
or  ambassadors,  all  distinguished  jurists  and  economists,  all 
the  higher  priests  even  were  in  the  senate.  The  influence  95 


74 


THE  ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 


of  such  a  body  was  irresistible.  It  is  true  that  it  could 
not  enforce  its  recommendations,  but  we  can  ea£ily  see 
that  its  advice  would  not  be  lightly  disregarded,  or  its 
good  opinion  forfeited,  by  magistrates  who  for  one  year 
only,  and  with  little  previous  experience,  were  charged 
with  the  enormous  responsibility  of  government. 

96  The  senate  took  cognizance  of  all  affairs  of  administra- 
tion, but  it  concerned  itself   chiefly  with   foreign  affairs, 
finance,  and  religion.     In  these  its  second  source  of  influ- 
ence was  felt,  —  its  permanence.     It  was  the  only  organized 
body  in  the  state  that  possessed  a  continuous  knowledge 

97  of  public  affairs.     To  it  therefore  the  foreign  nations  sent 
embassies ;  with  it  they  made  treaties.     Appointing  as  it 
did  all  promagistrates  with  imperium  (§  73),  it  virtually 
directed  war  and  concluded  peace,  although  constitutionally 

98  this  was  the  right  of  the  comitia  centuriata   (§  31).     Its 
control  over  the  finances  was  due  to  the  interval  between 
the  abdication  of  one  board  of  censors  (§  56)  and  the  elec- 
tion of  their  successors.     In  this  period  of  from  two  and 
one  half  to  three  and  one  half  years  there  was  at  all  times 
money  to  receive  and  to  pay  out  on  orders  and  contracts, 
with  which  the  magistrates  for  the  time  had  had  nothing 
to  do.     To  the   senate,  therefore,  as   the   one  continuous 
body,  fel^the  right  to  direct  financial  matters  during  this 
period  (§  58) ;    and  to  it  the  next  board  would  naturally 
look  for  advice  in  all  questions  of  taxation  and  expendi- 

99ture.  In  religious  matters  its  influence  was  due  to  the 
fact  that  the  priests  (§  80),  as  such,  had  no  magisterial 
powers,  and  had  to  act  through  the  regular  magistrates. 
The  influence  of  the  senate  over  them  has  been  explained 
100  in  §  95.  In  all  these  matters,  and  in  the  countless  others 
on  which  the  senate  acted,  it  must  be  remembered  that 
it  ruled  wholly  by  moral  influence.  At  any  time  a  magis- 
trate might  become  recalcitrant,  and  carry  a  question, 
in  spite  of  the  senate,  to  the  only  constitutionally  authori- 
tative bodies, — the  comitia.  In  such  a  case  the  senate 


THE   SENATE.  75 

could  only  oppose  its  influence  to  his,  and,  if  the  people 
were  on  his  side,  either  give  way,  or  try  to  tire  out  the 
opposition  by  the  many  means  of  delay  that  could  be 
practised  in  the  comitia  (§§  39,  89). 

MEETINGS  OP  THE  SENATE.  —  The  senate  came  together  101 
at  the  call  of  any  qualified  magistrate  (consul,  praetor, 
tribune),  who,  by  virtue  of  having  summoned  it,  was  its 
president  for  the  time.  It  was  the  only  deliberative 
assembly  in  Koine,  i.e.,  the  only  one  in  which  debate  was 
allowed.  Of  course  it  could  discuss  only  such  questions  102 
as  the  president  laid  before  it;  but  among  the  twenty 
magistrates  who  possessed  the  right,  it  could  always  find 
one  who  would  ask  its  advice  about  the  business  it  wished 
to  discuss.  The  time  and  place  for  meeting  were  always  103- 
named  in  the  call,  which  was  made  either  through  the 
praecones  (§  71),  or  by  a  written  notice  posted  in  the 
forum.  The  senate  had  no  fixed  hour  or  place  for  meeting, 
although  the  time  was  usually  early  in  the  day,  because 
sunset  put  an  end  to  all  deliberations,  and  the  place  had  to 
be  a  templum  (§  86).  The  auspices  were  always  taken 
before  the  meeting  began  (§  84). 

The  president  laid  (referre)  the  matters  about  which  he  104- 
desired   "  advice "    (§  102),   before   the   senate  in  general 
terms,  and  in   such   order   as  he  pleased.     No  one  could 
make  a  motion  without  his  permission,  and  no  one  could 
give  an  opinion  unless  called  upon  by  him.     He  might  at 
once  demand  a  vote ;  but  if  debate  was  allowed  he  called 
upon  the  members   to   express   their  views  in   a   regular 
order,  sanctioned  by  ancient  custom,  giving  his  own  opin- 
ion at  any  point  he  pleased.     The  first  to  be  called  upon  105 
was  the  Princeps  Senatus,  an  honorary  title  given  by  the 
censors  to  the  senator  (generally  a  patrician)  whom  they 
deemed   most  worthy.     After   him   came   the   consulares, 
praetorii,  and   aedilicii,  i.e.,    such  members  as  sat  in  the 
senate  by  virtue  of   having  held  these   offices.     If,  how- 106 
ever,  the  debate  occurred  between  the  time  of  the  annual 


76  THE   ROMAN   COMMONWEALTH. 

elections  and  the  inauguration  of  the  successful  candi- 
dates, these  magistrates-elect  (designati)  took  precedence 
over  ex-magistrates  of  the  same  rank.  It  is  a  matter  of 
dispute  whether  or  not  the  pediarii  (those  who  had  held 
no  curule  (§  45,  iv.  b)  office) "had  the  ius  sententiae,  "  right 

107  of  debate."     The  president  might,  however,  vary  the  regu- 
lar order,  and  thus  honor  or  slight  any  senator  by  calling 
him  out  of  turn,  or  by  passing  him  over  altogether.     As 
each  senator  was  called  upon  he  could  give  his  opinion  in 
full  (sententiam  dicere),  or  simply  express  his  agreement 
with  a  previous  speaker  (verbo  assentiri).     He  might  also 
include  in  his  remarks  any  other  matters  that  he  pleased, 
and  this  made  it  easier  than   now  to   prevent   action  by 
talking  against  time  (diem  dicendo  consumers)  until  sunset 

108  (§  103).     The  final  vote  was  taken  by  division  (discessio). 
If  several  conflicting  sententiae   had  been  expressed,  the 
magistrate  presiding  put  such  as  he  pleased  to  the  house, 
and  they   were   voted  upon  singly  until  one   received  a 
majority  of  the  members   present.      All   present,  except 
actual  magistrates,  were  obliged  to  vote,  but  there  was  no 

109  rule  as  to  a  quorum.     When  a  sententia  had  been  adopted, 
it  was  written  out,  after  the  adjournment  of  the  senate,  by 
the  scribae  (§  70),  in  the  presence  of  the  president  and  of 
its  principal  supporters,  who  attested  its  genuineness  by 
their  signatures.     There  are  frequent  complaints  of  forged 
sententiae. 

110  DECREES  OF  THE  SENATE. — The  senate  had  no  power  to 
pass  laws :  it  could  merely  express  its  opinion  in  the  form 
of  advice  to  the  magistrate  who  convoked  it.     This  advice 
might  be  rejected  by  that  magistrate,  or,  even  if  he  adopted 
it,  it  might  be  vetoed  by  any  magistrate  equal  or  superior 
to  him  (§  72).     If  it  successfully  ran  the  gantlet  of  these 
vetoes,  it  was  taken  for  granted  that  it  would  find  no  suffi- 
cient opposition  in  the  comitia  (where  only  laws  could  be 
passed),   and   was   promulgated    as   a  senatus   consultum, 

111  "  ordinance  of  the  senate."     If  vetoed  by  a  superior  magis- 


THE   SENATE.  77 

trate,  it  was  put  forth  as  auctoritas  senatus,  "  the  deliberate 
utterance  of  the  senate,"  having  all  the  moral  weight  attach- 
ing to  such  a  body  as  that  described  in  §  94,  but  no  bind- 
ing force  with  either  magistrates  or  people.  If  its  friends  112 
looked  upon  the  opposition  to  it  as  capricious  or  weak, 
proceeding,  e.  g.,  from  the  personal  feeling  of  the  individual 
who  vetoed  it,  they  brought  to  bear  upon  him  every  possi- 
ble influence  and  argument  to  induce  him  to  withdraw  his 
opposition.  If  he  remained  firm  they  might  still  get  a 
superior  magistrate,  if  there  was  such,  to  bring  it  before 
the  comitia,  with  the  hope  of  getting  it  passed  by  the 
people  as  a  regular  and  authoritative  law. 


ABBREVIATIONS   AND  REFERENCES. 


ABBREVIATIONS. 

THE  abbreviations  are  for  the  most  part  those  with  which  the  student 
has  become  familiar  in  his  Caesar.  The  following  may  require  expla- 
nation; Caes.  —  Caesar  de  Bello  Gallico,  cited  by  book,  chapter,  and 
smaller  section;  Sail.  Cat.  —  Sallusti  (86-35)  Bellum  Catilinae,  cited  by 
chapter  and  smaller  section;  P.  zz  Treble's  revision  of  the  grammar  of 
Andrews  and  Stoddard;  Ep.  =  epistle,  letter;  Exc.  =  excursus;  Int.  = 
introduction  or  introductory;  Sal.  =  salutation;  O.  O.  =  oratio  obliqua, 
indirect  discourse;  O.  R.  =  oratio  recta,  direct  discourse. 


REFERENCES. 

References  to  the  Grammars  ask  attention  to  such  parts  only  of  the 
main  article  as  are  followed  by  a  mark  of  punctuation.  E.g.,  "  A.  331, 
e;"  means  —  read  all  of  article  331  and  section  e  under  it;  while  "A. 
331  e;"  means  —  read  section  e  under  article  331,  but  not  article  331 
itself. 

References  to  the  Introductory  Matter  give  the  sections  to  be  read 
(marked  §)  and  the  page  (p.),  on  which  the  section  begins.  References 
to  the  Excursuses  give  the  number  of  the  Excursus  and  the  paragraph 
{§)  to  be  read.  The  page  may  be  found  from  the  Table  of  Contents. 

References  to  the  Orations  give  the  Title  of  the  oration,  the  smaller 
section,  and  the  number  of  the  line  of  the  larger  section  in  which  the 
word  in  question  is  found.  The  title  is  always  abbreviated,  I.,  II.,  III., 
IV.,  meaning  the  first,  second,  etc.,  oration  against  Catilina,  Mur.,  Sull., 
Sest.,  Mil.,  the  orations  for  Murena,  Sulla,  Sestius,  or  Milo.  E.g.,  in 
the  note  on  page  119,  line  1  "  I.  16.  38  "  means  —  line  38  in  paragraph 
16  of  the  first  oration  against  Catilina.  In  references  to  words  in  other 
chapters  of  the  same  oration,  the  Title  is  omitted  and  the  sign  §  is  put 
before  the  number  of  the  paragraph.  E.g.,  in  the  note  on  page  82,  line 
5  "  §  3.  24  "  means  —  the  24th  line  in  paragraph  3  of  this  oration.  In 
references  to  words  in  the  same  chapter  (not  necessarily  in  the  same 
paragraph)  the  Title  and  paragraph  are  omitted,  and  the  abbreviation  1. 
is  placed  before  the  number  of  the  line.  E.g.,  in  the  note  on  page  80, 
line  6  "  see  on  1.  4  "  means  —  read  the  note  on  line  4  of  this  chapter. 

References  to  the  Letters  are  made  in  the  same  way,  except  that  the 
lines  of  each  letter  are  numbered  throughout.  The  Letters  are  distin- 
guished from  the  Orations  by  the  abbreviation  Ep.,  and  each  letter  is 
denoted  by  its  number  in  this  collection,  printed  in  Roman  capitals.  The 
shorter  letters  are  not  divided  into  paragraphs,  and  in  such  cases,  instead 
of  a  paragraph  number,  the  abbreviation  1.  is  placed  before  the  number  of 
the  line. 

78 


M.   TULLI  CICERONIS 


ORATIO   IN   CATILINAM   PRIMA 


IN   SENATU  HABITA. 


I.  Quo  usque  tandem  abutere,  Catilina,  patientia  no- 1 
stra?     quam   diu   etiam   furor   iste   tuus   nos  eludet? 
quern  ad  finem  sese  effrenata  iactabit  audacia  ?    Nihilne 
te  iiocturnum   praesidium  Palati,  nihil   urbis  vigiliae, 


TITLE.  —  M.  Tulli  Ciceronis. 

On  the  three  names  cf.  A.  80  a; 
H.  649;  P.  666;  on  the  gen.  -i  for 
-ii.  A.  40  b;  G.  29  R.  1;  H.  515; 
P.  97  (4);  Cicero  is  said  to  be 
derived  from  cicer,  '  a  small  pea.' 
Decline  the  three  names  side  by 
side.  Oratio :  nom.,  used  abso- 
lutely in  the  title  of  books,  etc. 
in  Catilinam,  '  against  Catilina.' 
prima :  there  are  four  orations  com- 
monly called  'against  Catilina.' 
in  senatu,  see  p.  31,  §  50,  and 
explain  the  circumstances  under 
which  this  oration  was  delivered. 

§  1. 1. 1.  tandem, '  I  pray,'  in  in- 
terrogative and  imperative  sen- 
tences is  the  sign  of  intense  feeling. 
abutere,  'use  up,'  'exhaust' 
(not  'abuse,'  'misuse');  observe 


the  quantity  of  penult  and  thus 
determine  tense. 

2.  etiam,   '  still,'   in  temporal 
meaning. 

3.  Nihilne,  an  emphatic  nonne. 
Note  the  repetition  of  the  same 
word  at  the  beginning  of  succes- 
sive clauses  instead  of  a  connec- 
tive :  it  is  called  anaphora. 

4.  Palati,     mons    Palatinus. 
This  hill  was  the  original  seat  of 
Rome,  and   remained  a  point  of 
great  strategic  importance,  always 
promptly  garrisoned  when  danger 
within  the  city  was  apprehended. 
On  the  brow  of  the  hill  toward  the 
Via  Sacra  stood  the  temple  of  Jupi- 
ter Stator,  wherethe  senate  was  now 
assembled .  Point  out  these  objects 
on  Plan  A.    Cicero  had  increased 
the  guards  for  political  effect. 


79 


80 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PKIMA. 


5  nihil  timor  populi,  nihil  concursus  bonorum  omnium, 
nihil  hie  munitissimus  habendi  senatus  locus,  nihil 
horum  ora  voltusque  moverunt?  Patere  tua  consilia 
non  sentis,  constrictam  iam  horum  omnium  scientia 
teneri  coniurationem  tuam  non  vides  ?  Quid  proxima, 

10  quid  superiors  nocte  egeris,  ubi  fueris,  quos  convoca- 
veris,  quid  consilii  ceperis,  quern  nostrum  ignorare 

2  arbitraris  ?  O  tempora,  o  mores !  Senatus  haec  in- 
tellegit,  consul  videt ;  hie  tamen  vivit.  Vivit  ?  immo 
vero  etiam  in  senatum  venit,  fit  public!  consilii  parti- 

15  ceps,  notat  et  designat  oculis  ad  caedem  unum  quem- 
que  nostrum.  Nos  autem  fortes  viri  satis  facere  rei 


5.  bonorum,  '  loyal  men,'  the 
political  sense  of  the  word,   in- 
cluding all  persons  in  the  speak- 
er's   party,    and      excluding    all 
others ;  opposed  to  it  are  the  words 
improbi,  perditi. 

6.  locus,  see  on  1.  4..     Where 
were  the  meetings  of  the  senate 
commonly  held  ?     See  Int.,  p.  75, 
§103. 

7.  ora  voltusque,  '  expression 
on  the  faces.'     The  expression  of 
an  idea  by  two  connected  nouns 
instead  of  by  a  single   modified 
noun  is  called  hendiadys ;  quote 
an  example  from  Csesar  1. 3,  ad  fin, 
inter  .  .  .  dant. 

8.  9.   constrictam  teneri,  how 
different  in   meaning   from   con- 
strictam esse  ?     A.    292  c ;    G. 
230;    H.   388   1  note;   P.   547  c. 
Habeo    is    more  common    than 
teneo  in  this  use:  quote  example 
from  Caesar  1. 15,  quern  .  .  .  habe- 
bat.    scientia;  i.e.,  is  powerless, 
because  every  one  knows  of    it. 


The  strength  of  a  conspiracy  lies 
in  secrecy. 

9-11.  Read  p.  30,  §  49,  and  tell 
what  places,  times,  and  measures 
are  meant.  Some  of  the  men 
called  together  are  named  in  Sal- 
lust's  account  of  the  Conspiracy. 
Among  them  were  ten  senators, 
four  knights,  and  many  from 
places  in  Italy  outside  of  Rome. 

12.  arbitraris.  In  the  present 
indicative  of  deponent  verbs,Cicero 
writes  -ris  not  -re.  What  does  he 
write  in  the  future  tense  ?  cf.  1.  1. 

§  2.  13, 14.  immo  vero  is  used 
to  correct  a  previous  statement  as 
either  too  weak  or  too  strong: 
which  here?  Trans.  "  Lives,, 
did  I  say?  nay,  he  even,  etc." 
publici  consilii,  *  a  council 
of  the  state,'  here  the  senate. 
The  word  consilium  is  used  of 
any  organized  body  taking  com- 
mon action. 

16.  viri  fortes,  nom.  case, 
ironical. 


CAP.   1,   §   1-3. 


81 


publicae   videmur,  si  istius   furorem   ac  tela  vitenms. 
Ad  mortem  te,  Catilina,  duel  iussu  consulis  iam  pridem 
oportebat,   in    te    conferri    pestem,    quam    tu    in   nos  19 
machinaris.      An    vero    vir    amplissumus,    P.    Scipio,  3 
pontifex    maximus,    Ti.    Gracchum    mediocriter    labe- 
factantem    statum    rei    publicae     privatus    interfecit; 
Catilinam  orbem  terrae  caede  atque  incendiis  vastare 
cupientem  nos  consules  perferemus  ?     Nam  ilia  nimis 
antiqua  praetereo,  quod  C.  Servilius  Ahala  Sp.  Mae-  25 
lium  novis  rebus  studentem  manu  sua  occidit.     Fuit, 
fuit   ista  quondam  in   hac   re   publica   virtus,  ut  viri 
fortes    acrioribus  suppliciis    civem    perniciosum   quam 


17.  istius  =  Catilinae.  This  is 
the  demonstrative  used  most  fre- 
quently of  one's  opponent  in  court, 
debate,  etc.,  and  thus  it  often  has 
a  certain  contemptuous  force. 

§  3.  20.  An  really  introduces  the 
second  part  of  a  double  direct 
question,  of  which  in  excited 
speech  the  first  part  is  often  omit- 
ted, as  here.  In  translation  the 
omitted  part  may  be  supplied  from 
the  context:  "[Am  J  wrong],  or 
did,  etc.,"  or  the  an  may  be  faintly 
represented  by  'then.'  an  vero, 
the  words  go  with  both  interfecit 
and  perferemus. 

21.  P.  Scipio  Nasica  was  at  the 
head  of  the  optimates  who  (133) 
killed  Ti.   Sempronius  Gracchus. 
Creighton,   p.  57;  Allen,   p.  156; 
Myers,  p.  80;  Pennell,  p.  96;  pon- 
tifex maximus,  p.  70,  §§  81,  82. 

22.  privatus.    Nasica  held  no 
office  at  the  time  of  the  death  of 
Gracchus.      Privatus   is   opposed 
in  meaning  to  Magistratus.     For 
list    of   magistrates,    see    p.    62, 
§45. 


23.  orbem  terrae, '  the  circle  of 
land,'  around  the  Mediterranean, 
'the  whole  earth.' 

24.  ilia,  'the  following  prece- 
dents,'  explained    by  the    clause 
quod  .  .  .  occidit.    A.  333;  G.  525; 
H.  540,  IV. ;  P.  540  (4).    The  plural 
is  used  either  to  imply  that  more 
precedents  might  be  given,  or  with 
deliberate  exaggeration. 

25.  Sp.  Maelium.  Maeliuswas 
a  rich  plebeian  who  sold  corn  to  the 
poor  at  low  rates  during  the  famine 
of  439.     He  was  accused  of  court- 
ing the  favor  of  the  people,  with  a 
view  to  making  himself  king,  and 
was  summoned  before  the  dictator 
Cincirmatus    to    answer    to    the 
charge.    On  his  hesitating  to  obey, 
he  was  killed  by  Ahala,  the  magis- 
ter  equitum,  p.  63,  §  46. 

27.  ista,  '  such,'  not  used  of  an 
opponent  here,  and  so  not  con- 
temptuous. Note  the  strict  use  of 
the  '  demonstrative  of  the  second 
person':  bravery  on  the  part  of 
such  men  as  you  (senators),  in  ear- 
lier times. 


82 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PEIMA. 


acerbissimum    hostem    coercerent.      Habemus   senatus 
30  consultum    in    te,    Catilina,    vehemens  et    grave,  noi 
deest  rei   publicae   consilium   neque   auctoritas   hull 
ordinis ;     nos,    nos,    dico    aperte,    consules    desumm 

4  II.    Decrevit  quondam  senatus,  ut  L.  Opimius  consi 
videret,  ne    quid  res  publica  detriment!   caperet;    no: 
nulla    intercessit ;     interfectus    est    propter    quasdan 
seditionum  suspiciones   C.  Gracchus,  clarissimo   patr< 

5  avo,   maioribus,    occisus   est   cum    liberis   M.   Fulvius 
consularis.     Simili   senatus   consulto   C.   Mario   et   L. 


30.  consultum,  'decree.'     For 
the  formalities  attending  the  pas- 
sage of  a  '  consultum,'  and  the  dis- 
tinction between  a  consultum  and 
auctoritas,  see  p.  76,  §§  110,  111. 
For  the  decree  referred  to  here, 
see  p.  29,  §  47;  for  its  scope,  Sallust 
Cat.  29  says:  Ea  potestas  per  se- 
natum  more  Romano  magistratui 
maxima    permittitur,    exercitum 
parare,   bellum    gerere,    coercere 
omnibus  modis  socios  atque  civis. 
domi  militiaeque  imperium  atque 
indicium  summum  habere :  aliter 
sine  populi  iussu  nullius  earum 
rerum  consulifas  est. 

31.  consilium,  '  wisdom,'  '  ad- 
vice,'   '  statesmanship.'     In    how 
many  meanings  is  consilium  used 
in  this  chapter  ? 

Explain  the  case  of  patientia  1, 
nihil  4,  senatus  6,  nocte  10,  con- 
silii,  quern  11,  tempora  12,  con- 
silii  14,  viri  16,  consules  24;  and 
the  mood  of  ceperis  11. 

§  4.  1-10.  Two  precedents  less 
remote  than  that  of  Ahala. 

1.  quondam.  In  121,  Gaius 
Gracchus,  tribune  123-122,  had 


carried  a  series  of  measures  tend- 
ing to  overthrow  the  power  of  th< 
senate.     The  senate  took  advai 
tage  of  a  riot  to  pass  the  consul 
turn  ultimum,  arming  L.  Opimii 
the    one    consul    then    at  Rome, 
against  the  revolutionists.     Gre 
elms  himself,  his  chief  supporter 
M.  Fulvius  Flaccus,  with  the  lat 
ter's  young  son  and  three  thousam 
of   their    followers    were    kill( 
Creighton,  p.  59  f.;  Allen,  p.  164; 
Myers,  p.  81 ;  Pennell,  p.  97. 

4.  clarissimo    patre,    abl. 
quality.       The     construction 
slightly  irregular.     Such  an  abl., 
or  equivalent  gen.,  or  adj.,  usually 
modifies  a  generic   noun   (homo, 
vir),  in  apposition  with  the  propei 
name;    but  the  generic    noun 
often  omitted  as  here.     Quote 
amples  from  Caesar  I.  10,  ad  fin 
and   I.   18,  3,   ad  init.,  and  tel 
whether  they  illustrate  the  reguh 
or  exceptional  construction. 

5.  liberis.    Really  but  one  soi 
was  killed  in   the  riot,   and  th< 
plural  is  used  by  rhetorical  ex£ 
geration,  as  ilia,  §  3,  24. 

6.  7.  C.  Mario.    What  does 


CAP.    1-2,   §  3-4. 


83 


Valeric    consulibus    est    permissa    res    publica;    num 
unum  diem  postea  L.  Saturninum  tribunum  pi.  et  C. 
Servilium   praetorem   mors  ac  rei  publicae  poena   re- 
morata    est  ?      At  nos  vicesimum  iam  diem   patimur  10 
hebescere  aciem   horum   auctoritatis.      Habemus  enim 
huiusce    modi    senatus    consultum,    verum    inclusum 
in   tabulis   tamquam    in   vagina    reconditum,   quo   ex 
senatus  consulto  confestim  te  interfectum  esse,  Cati- 
lina,  convenit.     Vivis,  et  vivis   non   ad  deponendam,  15 
sed   ad  confirmandam  audaciam.      Cupio,  patres   con- 


stand  for  ?  Write  the  full  name. 
Mario  et  Valeric.  During  their 
consulship  (100)  revolutionary 
measures  were  proposed  by  L. 
Saturninus  and  C.  Glaucia.  In 
fear  of  violence,  the  senate  passed 
the  consultum  ultimum ;  and,  in 
the  conflict  that  followed,  Saturni- 
nus and  his  followers  were  stoned 
to  death  in  the  senate  house. 
Creighton,  p.  63;  Allen,  p.  172; 
Pennell,  p.  105. 

9.  mors  ac  rei  p.  poena,  *  the 
death  penalty  fixed  by  the  State.' 
Name  the  grammatical  figure,  and 
quote  an  illustration  from  §  1. 
rei  publicae,  subjective  gen. ;  the 
Romans  looked  upon  all  punish- 
ments (originally  fines)  as  belong- 
ing to  the  injured  party,  to  whom 
the  fines  were  in  early  times  given 
as  recompense  or  damages. 

9,  10.  remorata  est,  'caused 
to  wait.'  The  criminal  is  repre- 
sented as  always  expecting  punish- 
ment, and  waiting  for  it  to  over- 
take him.  vicesimum  in  round 
numbers.  Find  the  exact  num- 
ber, reading  p.  29,  §  47,  and  re- 
membering that  the  Romans 
counted  in  the  starting-point. 


12, 13.  huiusce  modi,  A.  215, 
a  ;  G.  364;  H.  396,  V. ;  P.  356.  in- 
clusum in  tabulis.  What  is  the 
decree  compared  to  ?  tabulae 
are  here  the  blocks  of  stone  or 
metal  on  which  the  laws  were  in- 
scribed. They  were  hung  up  in 
public  for  seventeen  days,  and 
then  deposited  in  the  aerarium, 
the  public  treasury,  in  the  temple 
of  Saturnus,  in  care  of  the 
Quaestors,  p.  67,  §  66. 

14,  15.  interfectum  esse  . . . 
convenit.  Give  the  tense  and  sub- 
ject of  convenit.  What  tense  might 
have  been  expected  for  interfectum 
esse  ?  A.  288,  a ;  G.  246,  Rein.  i. 
(with  exs.);  H.  537  1;  P.  539. 
Sometimes  with  such  verbs  as  con- 
venit, oportuit,  potui,  etc.,  an  ap- 
parent perf.  passive  (not  active) 
infin.  is  found.  In  such  cases  the 
participle  is  to  be  regarded  as  a 
predicate  adj.  (cf.  Gallia  est  oninis 
divisa),  and  not  as  forming  a  true 
perfect.  A.  288  d;  G.  275,  1  ad 
fin  and  2;  H.  537  2;  P.  539  a. 
Quote  an  example  from  §  2,  and 
tell  which  use  it  illustrates. 

16.  patres  conscripti.  The 
original  members  of  the  senate 


84 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


script!,  me  esse  clementem,  cupio  in  tantis  rei  publi- 
cae  periculis  me  non  dlssolutum  videri,  sed  iam  me 

5  ipse  inertiae  nequitiaeque  condemno.     Castra  sunt  in 

20  Italia  contra  populum  Romanum  in  Etruriae  faucibus 
conlocata,  crescit  in  dies  singulos  hostium  numerus ; 
eorum  autem  castrorum  imperatorem  ducemque  hostium 
intra  moenia  atque  adeo  in  senatu  videmus  intestinam 
aliquam  cotidie  perniciem  rei  publicae  molientem.  Si 

25  te  iam,  Catilina,  comprehendi,  si  interfici  iussero, 
credo,  erit  verendum  mihi,  ne  non  potius  hoc  omnes 
boni  serins  a  me  quam  quisquam  crudelius  factum 
esse  dicat.  Verum  ego  hoc,  quod  iam  pridem  factum 
esse  oportuit,  certa  de  causa  nondum  adducor  ut  fa- 

30  ciam.     Turn  denique  interficiere,  cum  iam  nemo  tam 


were  all  patricians,  and  were  called 
patres ;  but,  after  the  expulsion  of 
the  kings  (509),  some  of  the  lead- 
ing plebeians  were  admitted  to  the 
republican  senate  under  the  title 
of  '  conscripti,' '  added  to  the  roll.' 
The  term  patres  conscripti  is 
therefore  shortened  from  patres 
et  conscripti ;  but  so  thoroughly 
was  the  origin  of  the  phrase  for- 
gotten, that  Cicero  calls  a  single 
senator  pater  conscriptus. 

18.  dissolutum,  'radical.' 

19.  inertiae,  case  ?    A.  220;  G. 
377;  H.  409,11.;  P.  367. 

§  5.  23.  atque  adeo  either  cor- 
rects a  previous  statement  '  or 
rather,'  or  adds  to  and  intensifies 
it  'and  actually'.  Which  here? 
What  similar  phrase  in  §  2  ? 

25.  comprehendi,  same  mood 
as  interfici.  si  what  other  con- 
junction might  have  been  used  ? 
See  on  §  1,  3,  and  quote  a  parallel 
from  Caes.  I.  14,  ad  fin.  iussero, 


translate  a  Latin  future  perfect 
after  si,  cum,  ubi,  by  an  English 
present.  For  the  form  of  the  con- 
dition, A.  307,  1,  a  and  c  ;  G.  597, 
236  2  H.  508,  2;  P.  476  (1). 

26-28.  erit  verendum  .  . 
dicat.  credo  is  parenthetical  and 
ironical.  Cicero  might  fear  two- 
opposite  criticisms  upon  his  con- 
duct: 

(a)  ne  omnes  boni  serins  factum 
esse  dicant. 

(b)  ne  quisquam  crudelius  fac- 
tum esse  dicat.     He  really  fears 
(a),  so  when  speaking  ironically  he 
reverses  the    case  and  says:    "I 
shall    have    to    fear,   I    suppose, 
not  rather  (a)  than  (6)."     Trans, 
the  whole:  "L shall  have  to  fear, 
I  suppose,  not  that  all  loyal  men 
will  call  my  action  tardy,  but  that 
some  one  will  call  it  excessively 
cruel." 

29.  certa  de  causa,  explained 
by  the  rest  of  the  chapter. 


CAP.  2-3,  §  4-7. 


85 


inprobus,  tarn  perditus,   tarn  tui  similis  inveniri  pot- 
erit,  qui  id  non  iure  factum  esse  fateatur.     Quamdiu  6 
quisquam  erit,  qui  te  defendere  audeat,  vives,  et  vives 
ita,  ut  vivis,  multis  meis  et  firmis  praesidiis  obsessus, 
ne  commovere  te  contra  rem  publicam  possis.     Mul-  35 
torum  te  etiam  oculi  et  aures  non  sentientem,  sicut 
adhuc  fecerunt,  speculabuntur  atque  custodient. 

ill.  Etenim  quid  est,  Catilina,  quod  iam  amplius 
expectes,  si  neque  nox  tenebris  obscurare  coeptus  nefa- 
rios  nee  privata  domus  parietibus  continere  voces  con- 
iurationis  tuae  potest,  si  illustrantur,  si  erumpunt 
omnia  ?  Muta  iam  istam  mentem,  mihi  crede,  oblivi-  5 
scere  caedis  atque  incendiorum.  Teneris  undique ; 
luce  sunt  clariora  nobis  tua  consilia  omnia ;  quae  iam 
mecum  licet  recognoscas.  Meministine  me  ante  diem  7 


31.  tui  similis.  In  Cicero  simi- 
lis nearly  always  takes  the  gen. 
of  nouns  and  pronouns  denoting 
persons;  and  with  nouns  denoting 
things  the  gen.  is  rather  more 
common  than  the  dative. 

Explain  the  case  of  detriment! 
2,  Mario  6,  diem  10,  aciem  11, 
rei  publicae  24,  mihi  26,  me  27 ; 
mood  of  fateatur  32,  audeat  33, 
possis  35.  Give  princp.  parts  of 
decrevit  1,  cupio  16,  crescit  21, 
audeat  33. 

§  6.  1.  Etenim  quid  est,  etc., 
gives  the  reason  for  vives,  et  vives, 
etc.,  1.  33  above,  and  prepares  the 
way  for  the  general  theme  *  Leave 
the  city!' 

2.  coeptus,  a  very  rare  noun; 
the  usual  word  is  conatus. 

3.  parietibus.   Synonyms:  mu- 
rus,  wall  in  general,  paries,  wall 


of  a  house,  moenia  (cf.  munire), 
walls  of  a  city  for  defence. 

5.  mihi  crede,  '  follow  my  ad- 
vice.' A.  227;  G.  345;  H.  384, 1. ; 
P.  375,  376. 

8.  licet  recognoscas.  A.  331 
i.  note  3;  H.  501,  I.  1,  and  502  1; 
P.  494,  a,  and  531  a.  What  other 
mood  might  have  been  used  for 
recognoscas  ?  Meministine  = 
nonne  meministi;  -ne  is  often  used 
for  nonne,  especially  in  questions 
of  a  rhetorical  nature  and  in  col- 
loquial language.  It  is  probable 
that  it  had  originally  a  negative 
force,  ante  diem  xii.  Kal.  Nov. 
A.  376,  a,  b,  c,  d,  and  259  e ;  G. 
p.  387;  H.  642,  in  full,  and  esp. 
III.  3;  P.  660  (4);  cf  also  Caesar 

I.  6  ad  fin  and  the  note,  ante  diem 
is  here  the  idiomatic  form  for  die 
(abl.  of  time)  ante;  what  should 
we  expect  for  the  same  words  in 

II.  10  and  16  ? 


86 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


xii  Kalendas  Novembris  dicere  in  senatu  fore  in  ar- 

10  mis  certo  die,  qui  dies  futurus  esset  ante  diem  vi 
Kal.  Novembris,  C.  Manlium,  audaciae  satellitem  atque 
administrum  tuae?  Num  me  fefellit,  Catilina,  non 
modo  res  tanta,  tarn  atrox  tamque  incredibilis,  verum, 
id  quod  multo  magis  est  admirandum,  dies  ?  Dixi 

is  ego  idem  in  senatu  caedem  te  optumatium  contulisse 
in  ante  diem  v  Kalendas  Novembris,  turn  cum  multi 
principes  civitatis  Roma  non  tarn  sui  conservandi 
quam  tuorum  consiliorum  reprimendorum  causa  pro- 
fugerunt.  Num  infitiari  potes  te  illo  ipso  die  meis 

20  praesidiis,  mea  diligentia  circumclusum  commovere  te 
contra  rem  publicam  non  potuisse,  cum  tu  discessu 
ceterorum  nostra  tamen,  qui  remansissemus,  caede  te 

8  contentum  esse  dicebas  ?  Quid  ?  cum  te  Praeneste 
Kalendis  ipsis  Novembribus  occupaturum  nocturno 


§  7.  9.  xii.  here,  vi.  1.  10  and 
v.  1.  16,  stand  for  what  kind  of  a 
numeral  ?  Give  each  in  full,  di- 
cere represents  the  imperfect  in- 
dicative in  O.  R.  A.  336  A.  note  1 ; 
G.  277,  R;  H.  537,  1;  P.  538  a. 
What  tense  should  we  expect  ? 

11.  C.  Manlium,  p.  29,  §§45,  46. 

12.  fefellit,    from  fallo.      Its 
subjects  are  res  and  dies,  but  the 
sentence  should  be  recast  in  Eng- 
lish, *  I  was  not  deceived  in,  etc.' 

13  res.  Think  what 'the  thing' 
meant  really  is,  and  translate  ac- 
cordingly, never  using  the  vague 
'event,'  'fact,'  etc.,  where  defi- 
niteness  is  possible. 

15.  idem,  nom.  case;  for  mean- 
ing see  A.  195  e;  G.  296;  H.  451  3. 

16.  in  ante  diem  the  prep,  in 
governs  the  date  as  if  the  latter 
were  one  word. 


17.  sui  conservandi,  A.  298  a; 
G.  429  Rem.  i;  H.  542  I  note  1; 
P.  550  c.  Gender,  number  and 
case  of  sui?  Is  conservandi 

gerund  or  gerundive  ?  Quote  ex- 
amples from  Caes.  III.,  6,  1,  and 
IV.  13. 5.  The  sentence  is  bitterly 
ironical,  a  withering  rebuke  to  the 
cowardice  of  the  senate. 

22.  nostra  . . .  qui.  The  posses- 
sive pronoun  nostra  (agreeing 
with  caede)  is  equivalent  to  the 
gen.  pi.  of  ego,  and  from  this  gen. 
pi.  as  its  true  antecedent  qui 
takes  its  gender  and  number.  A. 
99  a,  199  6,  note;  H.  396,  II., 
note;  G.  360,  R.  1;  P.  358  (2)  and 
348,  (3). 

§  8.  23.  Quid.  This  little  an- 
ticipatory question  draws  atten- 
tion to  what  follows ;  its  full  mean- 
ing is  '  What  do  you  think  of  what 


CAP.   3-4,   §  7-9. 


8T 


impetu  esse  confideres,  sensistine  illam  coloniam  meo  25 
iussu  meis  praesidiis,  custodiis,  vigiliis  esse  munitam? 
Nihil  agis,  nihil  moliris,  nihil  cogitas,  quod  non  ego 
non  modo  audiam,  sed  etiam  videam  planeque  sentiam. 
iv.    Recognosce  tandem  mecum  noctem  illam   superi- 
orem;  iam  intelleges  multo  me  vigilare  acrius  ad  salu- 
tem  quam  te  ad  perniciem  rei  publicae.     Dico  te  priore 
nocte   venisse  inter   falcarios   (non  agam  obscure)  in 
M.  Laecae  domum ;  convenisse  eodem  complures  eius-    5 
dem  amentiae  scelerisque  socios.     Num.  negare  audes  ? 
quid  taces?     Convincam,  si  negas.     Video  enim  esse 
hie  in  senatu   quosdam,   qui    tecum   una  fuerunt.     O  9 
di  inmortales  !  ubinam  gentium  sumus  ?    in  qua  urbe 
vivimus  ?  quam  rem  publicam  habemus  ?    Hie,  hie  sunt  10 
in  nostro  numero,  patres  conscripti,  in  hoc  orbis  terrae 
sanctissimo  gravissimoque  consilio,  qui  de  nostro  om- 


I  am  going  to  say  ? '  Preeneste, 
twenty  miles  south-east  of  Rome 
in  the  Hernican  mountains.  It 
had  been  the  last  stronghold  of 
the  younger  Marius  in  82,  and  on 
its  capitulation  Sulla  had  put  most 
of  its  citizens  to  death.  He  sub- 
sequently established  one  of  his 
colonies  on  its  site,  and  Catilina 
hoped  to  use  it  as  a  fortified  post. 

26.  praesidiis.  Synonyms: 
praesidia  a  'garrison,'  on  the 
walls,  custodiae  the  '  sentinels,' 
at  the  gates,  vigiliae  the  'night 
watch.' 

Explain  case  of  caedis  6,  luce 
7,  te  19,  impetu  25,  quod  27; 
mood  of  expectes  2,  oblivis- 
cere  5,  futurus  esset  10,  re- 
mansissemus  22,  audiam  28. 

1.  tandem,  see  on  §  1. 1.    supe- 


riorem  noctem  =  priore  nocte, 
1.  3,  what  night  ? 

4,  5.  inter  falcarios,  '  into  the 
street  of  the  scythemakers.'  Sev- 
eral streets  of  Rome  were  called 
after  the  tradesmen  who  lived 
upon  them.  For  the  prepositional 
phrase  as  a  name  cf.  the  famous 
avenue  of  Berlin  '  Unter  den  Lin- 
den.' in  M.  Laecae  domum. 
When  accompanied  by  a  posses- 
sive pronoun  or  a  genitive  domum 
(whither)  may  or  may  not  have  a 
preposition. 

§  9.  9.  ubinam  gentium, 
'  where  in  the  world.'  Case  of 
gentium  A.  216,  a  4;  G.  366,  371 
4;  H.  3974;  P.  354,  355  (3). 

12.  nostro  omnium.  The  ad- 
jective agrees  with  the  gen.  pi.  of 
the  personal  pronoun  implied  in 
the  possessive  nostro  ;  see  §  7,  22, 


88 


ORATIO   IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


nium  interitu,  qui  de  huius  urbis  atque  adeo  de  orbis 
terrarum  exitio  cogitent !  Hos  ego  video  consul  et  de 

15  re  publica  sententiam  rogo  et,  quos  ferro  trucidari 
oportebat,  eos  nondum  voce  volnero !  Fuisti  igitur 
apud  Laecam  ilia  nocte,  Catilina,  distribuisti  partes 
Italiae,  statuisti,  quo  queinque  proficisci  placeret,  de- 
legisti,  quos  Romae  relinqueres,  quos  tecum  educeres, 

20  discripsisti  urbis  partes  ad  incendia,  confirmasti  te 
ipsum  iam  esse  exiturum,  dixisti  paulum  tibi  esse 
etiam  nunc  morae,  quod  ego  viverem.  Reperti  sunt 
duo  equites  Romani,  qui  te  ista  cura  liberarent  et 

24  sese  ilia  ipsa  nocte  paulo  ante  lucem  me  in  meo  lectulo 

10  interfecturos  pollicerentur.  Haec  ego  omnia  vixdum 
etiam  coetu  vestro  dimisso  comperi ;  domum  nieam 
maioribus  praesidiis  munivi  atque  firmavi,  exclusi  eos, 
quos  tu  ad  me  salutatum  mane  miseras,  cum  illi  ipsi 


and  cf.  A.  197  e;  G.  363  ad  fin; 
H.  3983;  P.  347,  (2). 
13.  atque  adeo,  see  on  §  5,  23. 

15.  trucidari,  regular  or  irreg- 
ular tense  ?   See  on  §  4,  14. 

16.  igitur,  'well  then.'    In  this 
its  so-called  '  resumptive '  use  igi- 
tur is  often  employed  to  pick  up 
the  broken  thread  of  a  sentence 
or  train  of  thought.     Here  it  re- 
calls attention  to  the  unanswered 
challenge  nmn  audes  §  8,  6,  the 
thought  having  been  interrupted 
by  the  digression  on  the  senators. 

18.  quo,  interrogative  adverb. 
Give  its  correlatives,  A.  106;  G. 
107,1;  H.  305  II;  P.  187. 

23.  equites,  p.  56  §§  18-20. 
The  two  men  were  C.  Cornelius 
and  L.  Yargunteius.  The  latter 
is  called  a  senator  by  Sallust,  Cat. 
28,  but  it  is  supposed  that  he  had 


lost  his  seat  by  some  judicial  pro- 
ceedings. 

24,25.  lectulo.  For  the  ter- 
mination A.  164,  a;  G.  785,  7  d  ; 
H.  321;  P.  259  (4),  interfecturos 
pollicerentur, '  promised  to  kill.' 
For  the  future  inf.  with  subj.  ace. 
where  the  English  idiom  has  a 
present  complementary  see  A.  330 
/;  G.  424  R.  3;  H.  535, 1,  2:  P.  533 
(5).  Could  the  English  idiom  have 
been  used?  cf.  Caesar  IV.  21,  5: 
qui  .  .  .  obtemperare  and  note. 

§  10.  28.  ad  me  depends  on 
miseras.  salutatum,  'to  pay 
their  respects,'  supine;  A.  302;  H. 
546,  1;  G.  436,  R.  1;  P.  554,  (2),  6. 
It  was  the  custom  at  Rome  for 
prominent  men  to  hold  levees  in 
the  early  morning.  Hence  the 
coming  of  the  assassins  at  that 
time  would  excite  no  suspicion. 


CAP.   4-5,   §  9-11. 


89 


venissent,  quos  ego  iam  multis  ac  summis  viris  ad  me 
id  temporis  ventures  esse  praedixeram.  30 

V.  Quae  cum  ita  sint,  Catilina,  perge,  quo  coepisti, 
egredere  aliquando  ex   urbe ;    patent   portae ;    profici- 
scere.     Nimium  diu  te  imperatorem  tua  ilia  Manliana 
castra  desiderant.     Educ  tecum  etiam  omnes  tuos,  si 
minus,    quam    plurimos;    purga    urbem.      Magno   me   5 
metu  liberabis,  dum   modo   inter   me  atque  te  murus 
intersit.     Nobiscum  versari  iam  diutius  non  potes  ;  non 
feram,  non  patiar,  non  sinam.     Magna  dis  inmortali- 11 
bus   habenda   est   atque   huic   ipsi   lovi    Statori,    anti- 
quissimo  custodi  huius  urbis,  gratia,   quod  hanc  tarn  10 
taetram,   tarn  horribilem  tamque  infestam  rei  publicae 
pestem   totiens   iam  effugimus.      Non    est  saepius   in 


30.  id  temporis, '  at  that  hour.' 
For  case  of  id  cf.  nihil  §  1,  3;  for 
that  of  temporis  cf.  gentium  §  9,  9; 
the  phrase =eo  tempore. 

Explain  case  of  multo  2,  sen- 
tentiam  15,  Romae  19,  tibi  21, 
morae  22,  cura  23,  coetu  26; 
mood  of  cogitent  14,  placeret 
18,  viverem  22,  pollicerentur 
25,  ventures  esse  30.  What  part 
of  speech  is  eodem  5,  una  8  ? 


1.  quo  =  (ad  eum  locum)  ad 
quern.  Sc  ire.  How  does  this  quo 
differ  from  the  one  in  §  9,  18  ? 

3.  Manliana  =  Manli,  cf.  Caes. 
I.  13.2:  bello  Cassiano,  and  ex- 
plain the  adj. 

4,  5.  Educ.  What  verbs  lose  the 
final  -e  in  this  form?    si  minus, 
i.e.,  si  minus  (=  non)  omnes  edu- 
cere  poteris,  quam  plurimos  educ. 

7, 8.  non  feram,  patiar,  sinam. 
This  is  not  an  example  of  climax, 


but  a  device,  very  common  in 
Latin,  for  emphasizing  an  idea  by 
an  accumulation  of  synonymous 
words.  Trans.  "I  may  not,  can- 
not, will  not  endure  it." 

§  11.  9.  dis  . . .  atque  .  .  .  lovi, 
'  to  (all)  the  gods,  but  especially 
to,  etc."  huic.  Why  is  the  de- 
monstrative of  the  first  person 
used?  See  on  §  1,  4.  Statori 
'  (flight)  stayer.'  Tradition  said 
that  a  temple  was  dedicated  to 
Jupiter  under  this  name  by  Romu- 
lus for  having  stopped  the  flight 
of  the  Romans  during  the  decisive 
battle  in  the  war  with  the  Sabines. 
Hence  antiquissimo  custodi  below. 
Decline  lovi  Statori,  A.  60,  b; 
H.  663;  P.  Ill  (3). 

10, 11.  hanc  tam  taetram.  The 
tam  is  not  to  be  translated.  When 
a  demonstrative  and  a  positive 
adjective'  of  quality  modify  a 
noun  the  Latin  idiom  inserts  a 
tam:  so  hie  tantus  (=  tam  mag- 


90 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIM  A. 


uno  homine  summa  salus  periclitanda  rei  publicae. 
Quamdiu  mihi  consul!  designate,  Catilina,  insidiatus 

15  es,  non  publico  me  praesidio,  sed  privata  diligentia 
defend!.  Cum  proximis  comitiis  consularibus  me  con- 
sulem  in  campo  et  competitors  tuos  interficere  voluisti, 
compressi  conatus  tuos  nefarios  amicorum  praesidio 
et  copiis  nullo  tumultu  publioe  concitato ;  denique, 

20  quotienscumque  me  petisti,  per  me  tibi  obstiti,  quam- 
quam  videbam  perniciem  meam  cum  magna  calamitate 

12  rei  publicae  esse  coniunctam.  Nunc  iam  aperte  rem 
publicam  universam  petis,  templa  deorum  inmortalium, 
tecta  urbis,  vitam  omnium  civium,  Italiam  totam  ad 

25  exitium  et  vastitatem  vocas.  Quare,  quoniam  id,  quod 
est  primum,  et  quod  huius  imperil  disciplinaeque 
maiorum  proprium  est,  facere  nondum  andeo,  faciam  id, 
quod  est  ad  severitatem  lenius  et  ad  communem  salu- 


nus)  vir,  haec  tot  (=  tarn  multa) 
pericula,  etc. 

13.  uno    homine   =   Catilina. 
summa  salus  rei  p.,  '  the  best  in- 
terests of  the  nation,'  a  very  com- 
mon phrase  for  which  summa  res 
p.  is  often  used  with  no  difference 
in  meaning. 

14.  consuli       designate.      A 
man  was  consul  designatus,  *  con- 
sul elect,'  from  his  election  in  July 
to  his  inauguration,  Jan.  1st;  con- 
sul during  his  year  of  office,  and 
consularis,  '  ex-consul,'  during  the 
rest  of  his  life:  when  was  Cicero 
c.  designates? 

16.  proximis  comitiis,  *  at  the 
last  election.'  P.  28,  §§  42-44.  Who 
presided  at  this  election  ?  Who 
were  the  successful  competitors  ? 
In  wha*t  comitia  were  the  consuls 
elected?  P.  64,  §§  53-55. 


17.  campo,  sc.  Martio.  P.  60, 
§  35.  Point  it  out  on  Plan  A. 

19.  nullo  tumultu  publice 
concitato,  '  without  an  official 
summons  to  arms.'  publice  is 
never  to  be  translated  by  'pub- 
licly.' 

§  12.  26.  est  primum,  '  would 
be  obvious.'  The  English  idiom 
would  suggest  the  subjunctive,  but 
in  certain  short  phrases  with  ad- 
jectives, the  indicative  is  always 
used  in  Latin.  A.  264  6;  H.  476, 
5;  G.  246  R.  1.  imperii,  case? 
A.  234,  d;  G.  356,  R.  1;  H.  391, 
II.  4;  imperium  here  means  the 
special  powers  conferred  by  the 
consultum  ultimum,  see  on  §  3,  30. 

28.  ad  severitatem,  'if  you 
look  at  severity.'  There  is  no 
point  to  the  phrase  in  itself,  but  it 
is  inserted  to  balance  ad  commu- 


CAP.   5-6,   §  11-13. 


91 


tern  utilius.     Nam  si  te  interfici  iussero,  residebit  in  re 
publica  reliqua  coniuratorum  manus  ;  sin  tu,  quod  te  30 
iam  dudum  hortor,  exieris,  exhaurietur  ex  urbe  tuorum 
comitum  magna  et  perniciosa  sentina  rei  publicae.    Quid  1$ 
est,   Catilina?    num  dubitas  id  me   imperante  facere, 
quod  iam  tua  sponte  faciebas?     Exire  ex  urbe  iubet 
consul  hostem.     Interrogas  me,  num  in  exilium;  non  35 
iubeo,   sed,   si    me    consulis,   suadeo.      VI.    Quid    est 
enim,   Catilina,    quod   te   iam   in   hae    urbe    delectare 
possit?   in  qua    nemo  est   extra   istam   coriiurationem 
perditorum  hominum,   qui   te   non  metuat,  nemo,  qui 
non  oderit.      Quae    nota  domesticae  turpitudinis  non   5 


nern  salutem  which  is  necessary  to 
define  utilius. 

31.  iam  dudum  moves  a  pres- 
ent back  in  time  to  a  perfect,  and 
an  imperfect  to    a  pluperf.      So 
also  iam    diu,   iam   pridem.    A. 
276  a  ;  G.  221;  H.  467,  III.,  1  &  2; 
P.  467. 

32.  aentina    rei  pub.,  'dregs 
of  the  state,'   forms  a  single  ex- 
pression upon  which  depends  the 
explanatory      genitive      tuorum 
comitum,    '  consisting    of    your 
companions.'      Notice    that    the 
word  comitum  denotes  the  same 
objects   as  sentina,  but  does  net 
agree  in  case.     This  use  of  the 
genitive    (yenitivus    epexegeticus) 
in  place  of  an  appositive  receives 
little  attention  in  our  grammars. 
A.  214 /;    G.  359;  H.   396,  VI.; 
P.  326,  351  note.     Good  examples 
in  Caes.  III.  (8.  2,  and)  10,2:  in- 
iuriae  .  .  .  Romanorum. 

§  13.  34.  faciebas,  force  of  im- 
perfect ?  A  277  c;  G.  224;  H. 
469,11.  1;  P.  464. 

35.  num  in  exilium,  sc.  te  ire 


iubeam.  For  num  cf.  A.  210  / 
R.  ad  fin. ;  G.  462,  1 ;  H.  529  II. 
1  N.  3;  P.  576,  579;  how  does  it 
differ  from  num  in  1.  33  ? 

36.  si  me  consulis,  *  if  you  ask 
my  ad  vice.'  suadeo.  What  must 
be  supplied  to  complete  the  sen- 
tence ? 

Explain  case  of  metu  6,  dis  8, 
praesidio  15,  comitiis  16,  tu- 
multu  19,  tibi  20,  me  33.  Give 
principal  parts  of  perge  1 ,  sinam 
8,  compressi  18,  petisti  20,  sua- 
deo 36. 

4,  5.  perditorum,  for  meaning 
see  on  §  1, 5.  hominum,  when  the 
word  *  man  '  is  accompanied  by  an 
adjective  implying  reproach  homo 
must  be  used,  by  one  implying  a 
compliment  either  homo  or  (more 
commonly)  vir.  Quote  an  ex- 
ample of  the  latter  from  §  3. 
oderit,  though  a  different  tense, 
denotes  the  same  time  as  metuat* 
A.  279,  e  ;  G.  190,  5,  228,  R.  1;  H. 
297,  I.  2;  P.  249,  1.  nota,  an 
expression  borrowed  from  slave- 


ORATIO   IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


inusta  vitae  tuae  est  ?    quod  privatarum  rerum  dedeci 
non  haeret  in  fama?  quae  lubido  ab  oculis,  quod  faci- 
nus  a  manibus  umquam  tuis,  quod  flagitium  a  toto  GOJ 
pore  afuit?  cui  tu  adulescentulo,  quern  corruptelarm 
10  inlecebris  inretisses,  non  aut  ad  audaciam  ferrum  aut 

14  lubidinem  facem  praetulisti  ?     Quid  vero  ?  nuper  c 
morte  superioris  uxoris  no  vis  nuptiis  domum  vacuefr 
cisses,  nonne  etiam  alio  incredibili  scelere  hoc   scelu* 
cumulasti  ?  quod  ego  praetermitto  et  facile  patior  sileri. 

15  ne  in  hac  civitate  tanti  facinoris  inmanitas  aut  extitisst 
aut  non  vindicata  esse  videatur.     Praetermitto  ruinas 
fortunarum  tuarum,  quas  omnis  inpendere  tibi  proxu- 
mis  Idibus  senties  ;  ad  ilia  venio,  quae  non  ad  privatai 


life ;  branding  was  the  regular 
punishment  for  heinous  offences. 
domesticae  turp.,  '  infamy  in 
your  home.' 

6.  privatarum  rerum, '  private 
life,'   a  wider  reference  than   in 
domesticae  turp.  above,  as  it  in- 
cludes his  relations  with  persons 
outside  of  his  own  family. 

7.  haeret  in  fama,  '  is  not  at- 
tached to  your  reputation.'     For 
case  of  fama,  A.  227  e  3,  note ;  G. 
346,  R.  2. 

9,  10.  quern  .  .  .  inretisses, 
*  whom  you  had  ensnared  by  the 
allurements  of  your  corrupting 
arts.'  Catilina  is  said  to  have  had 
a  wonderful  influence  over  all  with 
whom  he  came  into  intimate  rela- 
tions, and  especially  over  the 
young,  inretisses,  subj.  of  char- 
acteristic. In  what  does  the  charac- 
teristic lie  ? 

§  14.  11,  12.  facem,  to  guide 
him  to  places  of  dissipation  which 
would  naturally  be  visited  at  night. 


Quid  vero,  see  on  quid,  §  8,  23. 
morte  superioris  uxoris,  p.  21, 

§  26.  The  second  wife  was  Ai 
lia  Orestilla,  a  woman  of  great 
beauty,  but  infamous  life,  morte 
is  intentionally  ambiguous;  it 
might  be  ablative  of  time,  but 
Cicero  means  it  to  be  taken  as 
means  (=nece,  caede). 

13.  incredibili     scelere,    the 
murder  of  his  son.     Orestilla  ob- 
jected   to  marrying  a  man  with 
children. 

14.  praetermitto,  etc.,  a  com- 
mon rhetorical  trick  (praeteritio, 
occultatio),  by  which  the  speaker, 
affecting     forbearance,     carefully 
says  what  he    pretends  to  leave 
unsaid.     Give  example  from  §  3. 

17, 18.  prox.  Idibus,what  day  of 
the  month  ?  Now  that  Catilina's 
hopes  were  blighted,  his  creditors 
would  not  be  likely  to  show  fur- 
ther forbearance,  and  the  Ides  and 
Kalends  were  the  regular  days  for 
the  settlement  of  accounts. 


CAP.   6,   §  13-15. 


93 


ignominiam  vitiorum  tuorum,  non  ad  domesticam  tuam 
difficultatem   ac   turpitudinem,   sed   ad    summam   rem  20 
publicam  atque  ad  omnium  nostrum  vitam  salutemque 
pertinent.     Potestne  tibi  haec  lux,  Catilina,  aut  huius  15 
caeli  spiritus  esse  iucundus,  cum  scias  esse  horum  nemi- 
nem,  qui  nesciat  te  pridie  Kalendas  lanuarias  Lepido  et 
Tullo  consulibus  stetisse  in  comitio  cum  telo,  manum  25 
consulum  et  principum  civitatis  internciendorum  causa 
paravisse,  sceleri  ac  furori  tuo  non  mentem  aliquam  aut 
timorem  tuum,  sed  fortunam  populi  Romani  obstitisse  ? 
Ac  iam  ilia  omitto  (neque  enim  sunt  aut  obscura  aut 
non  multa  commissa  postea)  ;   quotiens  tu  me  designa-  30> 
turn,  quotiens   consulem  interficere   conatus  es !  quot 
ego  tuas  petitiones  ita  coniectas,  ut  vitari  posse  non 
viderentur,  parva   quadam   declinatione   et,    ut   aiunt, 
corpore  effugi !    Nihil  adsequeris  neque  tamen  conari 


20,  21.  difficultatem,  '  embar- 
rassment,' i.e.,  in  money  matters; 
see  preceding  note,  summam 
rem.  p.,  what  is  the  fuller  ex- 
pression? See  on  §11,  13.  nos- 
trum, gen.  pi.  of  ego,  denoting 
possession.  What  is  the  regular 
construction  ?  See  on  §  7,  22. 
This  use  of  the  genitive  is  al- 
lowable only  when  the  pronoun 
is  accompanied  by  omnium,  and 
even  then  the  regular  construction 
is  as  common.  See  on  §  9.  12. 

§  15.  23, 24.  cum,  causal,  but  to 
be  trans.  '  when.'  pridie  Kalen- 
das, A.  207  6;  G.  p.  387;  H.  437, 
1;  P.  660  b  note  1.  Lepido,  etc., 
cf.  p.  23,  §  31.  Cicero  puts  the 
time  one  day  earlier  than  other 
authorities. 

25.  in  comitio.  In  the  singu- 
lar the  word  denotes  a  part  of  the 


forum  where  meetings  of  the 
people  were  held,  see  Plan  B. 
cum  telo  (=  telo  armatum),  a 
legal  term  implying  criminal  in- 
tent, manum,  'a  band,'  i.e.,  of 
desperate  men. 

29.  omitto.  Name  the  rhetori- 
cal figure,  §  14,  14.  neque  enijn 
sunt,  etc.  =  nam  et  nota  sunt  et 
multa  (alia)  postea  a  te  com- 
missa. 

32-34.  petitiones,  the  technical 
term  for  the  thrusts  of  a  gladiator. 
ut  .  .  .  viderentur,  'that  it  did 
not  seem  possible  to  avoid  them.' 
The  English  idiom  requires  the 
impersonal  form,  though  the 
Latin  prefers  the  personal.  A. 
330  &  1;  G.  528;  H.  534,  1;  P.  534. 
declinatione  et  corpore.  See 
on  §  1,  7,  and  quote  two  ex- 
amples, ut  aiunt,  frequently  used 


94 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


16  ac  velle  desistis.     Quotiens  tibi  iam  extorta  est  ista  sic 
36  de  manibus,  quotiens  excidit  casu  aliquo  et  elapsa  est 
quae  quidem  quibus  abs  te  initiata  sacris  ac  devota  sit, 
nescio,  quod  earn  necesse  putas  esse  in  consulis  corpore 
defigere.  vn.  Nunc  vero  quae  tua  est  ista  vita  ?   Sic  enim 
iam  tecum  loquar,  non  ut  odio  permotus  esse  videar, 
quo  debeo,  sed  ut  misericordia,  quae  tibi  nulla  debetur. 
Venisti  paulo  ante  in  senatum.     Quis  te  ex  hac  tanl 
6  frequentia,  totque  tuis  amicis  ac  necessariis  salutavit 
Si  hoc  post  hominum  memoriam  contigit  nemini,  vocis 
expectas  contumeliam,  cum  sis  gravissimo  iudicio  taci- 
turnitatis    oppressus  ?     Quid,    quod    adventu   tuo   ist 


to  introduce  a  proverbial  or  tech- 
nical expression,  as  corpore  bor- 
rowed from  the  prize  ring. 

§  16.  35,  36.  tibi  de  manibus, 
'from  [you,  from]  your  hands.' 
A.  229,  6 ;  G.  344,  2,  388;  H.  385, 
II.  2,  413;  P380,  a,  413. 

37.  initiata,  etc.    The  weapons 
with  which  some  successful  deed 
had  been  accomplished  were  often* 
dedicated  to  some  deity  or  other. 

38,  39.  quod,  there  is  a  slight 
ellipsis,  as  quod  gives  the  reason 
n8t    for  the   consecration  of  the 

.  weapon,  but  for  Cicero's  assertion 
that  it  had  been  consecrated:  '(I 
say  you  have  consecrated  it)  for 
you  think,  etc.'  in  corpore. 
Why  not  accusative  after  de- 
figere =  '  plunge  into '  ?  A.  260, 
a;  G.  384,  R.  1;  H.  380,  note; 
P.  431,  c. 

Explain  the  case  of  nuptiis  12, 
Idibus  18,  Lepido  24,  consuli- 
bus  25,  consulum,  civitatis  26, 
furori  27,  casu  36 ;  mood  of 
possit  3,  vacuefecisses  12,  vi- 
deatur  16,  viderentur  33,  velle 


35,  devota  sit  37,  esse  38,  defi- 
gere 39. 

3.  quae  nulla,  besides  the  adjs. 
of  quantity,  multi,  pauci,  etc.,  nul- 
lus  is  put  in  agreement  with 
latives  and  demonstratives  whei 
the  whole  and  not  a  part  only  is 
meant.     Nullus  is  then  equivalent 
to  an  emphatic  non.     What  other 
word  may  be  used  for  non  ?  Cf .  §  1. 

4.  hac  tanta,  '  this  great,'  not 
'  so  great.'    See  on  §  11.  10. 

6,  7.  contigit,  generally  used  of 
good  fortune,  unless  accompanit 
by  a  negative,  as  nemini  here;  for 
bad  fortune  accidit  is  the  usu£ 
word,  cum,  see  on  §  15.  23,  and 
point  out  another  example  in  this 
chapter.  Read  p.  31,  §  50. 

8.  Quid,  quod,  etc.,  'what  do 
you  think  of  this,  that,  etc.  ? '  For 
quid,  see  on  §  8.  23;  for  quod,  on 
§  3.  24.  Note  that  in  this  use  quid 
is  often  followed  by  a  second  ques- 
tion, here  quo  tandem  animo,  etc., 
1.  12.  ista,  see  on  §  3.  27,  and  ex- 
plain here. 


CAP.  6-7,   §  15-17. 


95 


subsellia  vacuefacta  sunt,  quod  omnes  consulares,  qui 
tibi  persaepe  ad  caedem  constituti  fuerunt,  simul  atque  10 
adsedisti,  partem  istam  subselliorum  nudam  atque  in- 
3nern   reliquerunt,  quo  tandem   animo   tibi   ferundum 
putas  ?     Servi  mehercule  mei  si  me  isto  pacto  metue- 17 
rent,  ut  te  metuunt  omnes  cives  tui,  domum  meam  relin- 
quendam  putarem  ;  tu  tibi  urbem  non  arbitraris  ?   et,  si  15 
me  meis  civibus  iniuria  suspectum  tarn  graviter  atque 
offensum  viderem,  carere  me  aspectu  civium  quam  in- 
festis  omnium  oculis  conspici  mallem ;  tu  cum  consci- 
entia  scelerum  tuorum  agnoscas  odium  omnium  iustum 
et  iam  diu  tibi  debitum,  dubitas,  quorum  mentes  sen-  20 


9.  subsellia,  the  senators  sat 
on  benches  without  backs,  proba- 
bly in  the   order   of   their  rank, 
the  consulares  together  and  near 
them  the  praetorii,  the  class  to 
which   Catilina  belonged.     What 
sort  of  a  seat  had  the  consul  ?    P. 
64,  §  51. 

10.  tibi,  agent.      What  would 
be  the  regular  construction  ?    The 
dative  of    the  agent  is  used    by 
Cicero  with  the  gerundive  regu- 
larly and  the    perfect    participle 
frequently,  but  with  no  other  parts 
of  the  verb.     A.  232,  a;  G.  206; 
H.  388  1 ;  P.  383,  6.     Point  out  ex- 
amples of  the  regular  use  of  this 
dative  in  this  chapter,     consti- 
tuti fuerunt,  not  a  mere  vari 

for  constituti  sunt,  though  the  dis- 
tinction cannot  be  concisely  ex- 
pressed in  English:  with  fuerunt 
the  meaning  is  'have  been  (but 
are  no  longer)  doomed ; '  with  sunt 
the  words  in  parenthesis  would  not 
necessarily  be  implied.  A.  291  6, 
Rem. ;  G.  242,  Rem. ;  H.  471  note 
1;  P.  229  (3),  a. 


11.  adsedisti, '  had  taken  your 
seat;'  for  the  tense,  A.  324;  G. 
563;  H.  471  II.  1  (4);  P.  506. 

§  17.  13.  mehercule, '  by  heav- 
ens,' the  full  form,  me  Hercules 
juvet,  meant  'so  help  me  Her- 
cules,' but  the  idea  of  invocation 
shrank  with  the  words  to  the 
meaning  and  form  here  used,  si, 
notice  how  far  it  is  crowded 
from  its  proper  place  (where  ?) 
to  make  servi  emphatic,  pacto 
=  modo.  metuerent,  what  time 
and  thought  does  the  imperfect 
subj.  express  in  conditional  sen- 
tences? A.  308;  G.  599;  H.  510, 
notel;  P.  476(2),  6. 

14.  ut,  with  ind.  'as'  or  '  when;' 
atiom)  which  here  ?  So  in  lines  23  and 
35  below. 

16.  iniuria,  'without  cause,' 
an  abl.  of  manner;  cf.  Caes.  I.  36. 
5.  tarn  graviter,  there  is  often  a 
slight  ellipse  with  tarn,  tot,  and 
tantus,  here,  quam  tu. 

20.  dubitas.  Where  duUtare 
means '  to  hesitate'  (about  a  course 
of  action),  and  the  sentence  is 


96 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


susque  volneras,  eorum  aspectum  praesentiamque  vi- 
tare  ?  Si  te  parentes  timerent  atque  odissent  tui  neque 
eos  ulla  ratione  placare  posses,  ut  opinor,  ab  eorum 
oculis  aliquo  concederes.  Nunc  te  patria,  quae  com- 

25  munis  est  parens  omnium  nostrum,  odit  ac  metuit  et 
iam  diu  nihil  te  iudicat  nisi  de  parricidio  suo  cogitare  ; 
huius  tu  neque  auctoritatem  verebere  nee  iudicium 

18  sequere  nee  vim  pertimesces  ?  Quae  tecum,  Catilina, 
sic  agit  et  quodam  modo  tacita  loquitur :  '  Nullum  iam 

30  aliquot  annis  f acinus  exstitit  nisi  per  te,  nullum  flagi- 
tium  sine  te ;  tibi  uni  multorum  civium  neces.  tibi  vex- 
atio  direptioque  sociorum  inpunita  fuit  ac  libera ;  tu 
non  solum  ad  neglegendas  leges  et  quaestiones,  verum 
etiam  ad  evertendas  perfringendasque  valuisti.  Supe- 

35  riora  ilia,  quamquam  ferenda  non  fuerunt,  tamen,  ut 
potui,  tuli ;  nunc  vero  me  totam  esse  in  metu  propter 
unum  te,  quicquid  increpuerit,  Catilinam  timeri,  nullum 


negative  (or  interrogative  assum- 
ing a  negative  answer,  as  here), 
an  infinitive  regularly  follows,  as 
vitare,  line  21. 

24.  aliquo,  see  on  quo  §  10.  1. 
Nunc,  '  now,  as  it  is,'  not  a  mere 
temporal  idea,  but  serving  to  in- 
troduce an  actual  fact  in  contrast 
to   the    supposition   si  ...   con- 
cederes. 

25.  nostrum,  see  on  §  14.  21. 
odit  ac  metuit,  tenses  ?    See  on 
§  13.  5. 

26.  parricidio,  instead  of  caede, 
because  the  country  is  our  corn- 
munis  parens. 

27.  verebere,   in   the   hid.    of 
dep.  verbs  how  are  the  endings  -ris 
and  -re  used  by  Cicero  ? 

§  18.  29.  quodam  modo,  used 
to    soften  an   unusually   free    or 


bold  use  of  language,  here  tacita 
loquitur,  tacita  loquitur,  the 
rhetorical  figure  called  oxymoron, 
the  use  of  contradictory  words  in 
the  same  phrase.  A.  386;  H.  637, 
XI.,  6;  P.  659  (22). 

31.  vexatio,  etc.     P.  22.    §  28. 

32.  fuit,  for  number  cf.  Caes. 
I.  1,  2,  aimdit. 

37,  38.  quicquid  increpuerit, 
*  at  the  slightest  sound,'  literally  ? 
quicquid  =  si  quid,  A.  309,  d, 
310,  a;  G.  594  1;  H.  507  III.  2; 
P.  477  e.  increpuerit,  A.  342; 
G.  509  4;  H.  529,  II.;  P.  523. 
videri  .  .  .  cbnsilium  .  .  .  posse 
=  nullum  consilium  ('plan,'  'de- 
sign ')  videri  posse  iniri  ('  formed), 
contra  me.  For  English  idiom, 
see  on  §  15.  32-33. 

39.  abhorreat,  '  is  inconsistent 


CAP.  7-8,   §  17-19. 


97 


videri  contra  me  consilium  iniri  posse,  quod  a  tuo  sce- 
lere  abhorreat,  non  est  ferendum.   Quam  ob  rem  discede 
atque  hunc  mihi  timorem  eripe  ;  si  est  verus,  ne  oppri-  40 
mar,  sin  falsus,  ut  tandem  aliquando  timere  desinam.' 
vin.    Haec    si    tecum,    ita   ut    dixi,    patria    loquatur,  19 
nonne  impetrare  debeat,  etiamsi  vim  adhibere  non  pos- 
sit  ?     Quid,  quod  tu  te  ipse  in  custodiam  dedisti,  quod 
vitandae  suspicionis  causa  ad  M'.  Lepidum  te  habitare 
velle  dixisti  ?    A  quo  non  receptus  etiam  ad  me  venire    5 
ausus  es  atque,  ut  domi  meae  te  adservarem,  rogasti. 
Cum  a  me  quoque  id  responsum  tulisses,  me  nullo  modo 
posse  isdem  parietibus  tuto  esse  tecum,  qui  magno  in 


with,'  subj.  of  cbaract.  or  by  at- 
traction. 

Supply  the  ellipses  with  quo 
debeo,  ut  misericordia  3,  ur- 
bem  15,  ne  opprimar  40.  Ex- 
plain the  ablatives  misericordia 
3,  paulo  4,  amicis  5,  iudicio  7, 
adventu  8,  animo  12,  pacto  13, 
aspectu  17,  conscientia  18, 
ratione  23,  te  30,  annis  30;  the 
infinitives  cogitare  26,  esse  36, 
videri,  posse  38,  timere  41. 

§  19.  1,  2.  loquatur,  what  time 
and  thought  does  the  present  subj. 
express  in  conditional  sentences  ? 
A.  307.  2,  b ;  G.  598;  H.  509,  note 
1 ;  P.  476  (2),  a.  impetrare,  '  ob- 
tain her  wish,'  often  thus  used 
absolutely,  cf.  Caes.  I.  35.  4. 

3.  Quid,  quod,  sqe  on  §  16.  8. 
tu  te  ipse,  the  Latin  idiom  con- 
nects the  intensive  pronoun  with 
the  subject  rather  than  the  ob- 
ject, even  when  the  latter  seems 
to  us  to.  be  the  emphatic  word. 
in  custodiam.  A  citizen  was 
not  ordinarily  imprisoned  pend- 


ing his  trial.  He  usually  gave 
bail  for  his  appearance,  though 
sometimes  he  was  put  under  the 
charge  of  some  man  of  reputation 
who  became  responsible  for  his. 
safe  keeping;  this  was  called  in 
custodiam  liberam  dari.  See  also 
p.  30,  §  48. 

4.  ad  M'.  Lepidum,  'at  the 
house  of  Manius  Lepidus,'  in  this 
sense  of  ad  the  prep,  apud  is 
more  common.  Lepidus  was  con- 
sul in  66,  cf.  §  15.  24.  What  da 
M.,  M\  and  Mam.  stand  for? 

6.  domi  meae,  for  case  of  each 
word,  A.  258  d  and  e ;  G.  412  R. 
1  and  3;  H.  426,  2;  P.  426  (2)  a. 
What  other  common  nouns  have 
a  locative  case  ? 

8.  parietibus,  for  meaning,  see 
on  §  6.  3;  for  case,  A.  258  c.  1. 
G.  384;  H.  425,  L;  P.  425;  for 
omission  of  preposition  in,  A. 
258  f  2;  G.  386,  387;  H.  425.  2; 
P.  426  c.  tuto.  esse,  'be  safe.' 
Adverbs  are  thus  used  in  pred. 
with  esse,  when  (a)  esse  has  the 
idea  of  '  living,'  '  existing,'  '  stay- 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 

periculo  essem,  quod  isdem  moenibus  contineremur,  ad 

10  Q.  Metellum  praetorem  venisti.     A  quo  repudiatus  ad 

sodalem  tuum,  virum  optumum,  M.   Metellum,  demi- 

grasti ;  quern  tu  videlicet  et  ad  custodiendum  diligen- 

tissimum  et  ad  suspicandum  sagacissimum  et  ad  vindi- 

candum   fortissimum   fore    putasti.      Sed    quam   longe 

is  videtur  a  carcere  atque   a  vinculis  abesse  debere,  qui 

20  se  ipse  iam  dignum  custodia  iudicarit !     Quae  cum  ita 

sint,  Catilina,  dubitas,  si  emori  aequo  animo  non  potes, 

abire  in  aliquas  terras  et  vitam  istam  multis  suppliciis 

iustis  debitisque  ereptam  fugae  solitudinique  mandare  ? 

20       i  Refer,'    inquis,    '  ad   senatum ' ;    id   enim    postulas 

et,  si  hie    ordo   placere   decreverit   te   ire  in  exilium, 

optemperaturum  te  esse  dicis.     Non  referam,  id  quod 

abhorret  a  meis  moribus,   et  tamen  faciam,   ut  intel- 

legas,    quid   hi    de   te    sentiant.     Egredere    ex    urbe, 

25  Catilina,   libera    rem   publicam    metu,   in   exilium,   si 


ing,'  etc.,  or  (b)  when  the  adverbs 
indicate  (1)  general  relations  of 
space,  e.g.,  prope,  procul ;  or  (2) 
general  relations  of  quality,  e.g., 
ut,  sic,  ita,  aliter,  contra  ;  or  (3)  a 
certain  state  of  mind  or  body,  e.g., 
bene,  male,  commode,  recte,  tuto. 

11.  virum     optumum,     how 
used?    Cf.  viri  fortes,  §  2.  16;  M. 
Metellum,  nothing  more  is  known 
of  him  than  can  be  gathered  from 
this  passage.     What  ? 

12.  videlicet,  compounded  of 
videre  +  licet  '  one  may  see,'  '  evi- 
dently.'    The  sentence  is  ironical. 

15.  carcere.  The  Romans  did 
not  use  the  prison  as  a  place  of 
penal  confinement,  but  for  merely 
temporary  detention,  or  as  a  place 
of  execution. 


§  20.  16.    Quae  cum  ita  sint, 

cf.  §  10.  1,  'under  these  circum- 
stances,' a  favorite  formula  of 
Cicero.  Explain  the  mood  of  sint 
and  use  of  the  relative.  For  ita 
cf.  tuto,  §  19.  8,  b.  (2). 

17, 18.  emori,  by  the  hand  of  an 
executioner  or  a  suicide,  abire, 
for  the  mood,  see  on  §  17.  20. 

21.  hie  ordo,  'this  body,'  i.  e., 
the    senate,     placere,    '  that    its 
pleasure  is '  the  subject  is  te .  .  .  ire, 
decreverit  (decerno),  what  mood 
and  tense  in  O.  R.  ?    How  is  that 
tense  to  be  translated  ?    See  on 
§  5.  25. 

22.  Non  referam,  his  real  rea- 
son was  that  the  senate,  not  being 
a  judicial  body,  had  no  power  to 
impose  a  sentence  upon  any  one ; 


CAP.   8,   §  19-21. 


99 


hanc  vocem  expectas,  proficiscere.     Quid  est,  Catilina? 
ecquid  attendis,  ecquid  animadvertis  horum  silentium  ? 
Patiuntur,   tacent.      Quid   expectas    auctoritatem    lo- 
quentium,   quorum   voluntatem    tacitorum    perspicis?  29 
At  si  hoc  idem  huic  adulescenti  optimo,  P.  Sestio,  si  21 
fortissimo  viro,  M.  Marcello,   dixissem,   iam  mihi  con- 
suli   hoc   ipso  in  templo  iure  optimo  senatus  vim  et 
manus   intulisset.     De   te   autem,  Catilina,  cum  quie- 
scunt,  probant,  cum  patiuntur,  decernunt,  cum  tacent, 
clamant,  neque  hi  solum,  quorum  tibi  auctoritas   est  35 
videlicet   cara,    vita   vilissima,   sed   etiam   illi   equites 
Romani,    honestissimi    atque    optimi    viri,     ceterique 
fortissimi    cives,    qui    circumstant    senatum,    quorum 
tu    et    frequentiam    videre    et    studia    perspicere    et 
voces    paulo    ante    exaudire    potuisti.      Quorum    ego  40 
vix   abs    te    iam    diu    manus    ac    tela   contineo,    eos- 


a  fact  that  Cicero  ignored  to  his 
cost  a  little  later. 

26.  hanc  vocem,  'this  word,' 
i.  e.,  exilium.   After  proficiscere, 
Cicero  pauses  for  a  moment;  as 
no  one  gives  any  sign  of  disap- 
proval he  proceeds  Quid  est  etc. 

27.  ecquid  case  ?    cf .  id.  §  10. 
30;  nihil,  §  1.  3. 

28.  auctoritatem     loquenti- 
um  cf.  vocis  contumeliam  §16.  7. 

§  21.  30.  optimo,  how  different 
in  sense  from  optumum,  1.  11  ? 
Show  the  same  variation  in  the 
force  of  an  adj.  in  ch.  I.  P.  Ses- 
tio, the  friend  for  whom  Cicero  a 
few  years  later  delivered  the  ora- 
tion pro  Sestio,  contained  in  this 
book. 

31.  fortissimo  viro:  could  he 
have  used  homini  f  See  on  §  13. 
4.  M.  Marcello,  probably  the 


consul  of  51,  a  bitter  foe  of  Caesar, 
but  pardoned  by  him  after  the 
civil  war.  dixissem :  what  time 
and  thought  does  the  p.  perf.  subj. 
express  in  a  conditional  sentence  ? 
A.  308;  G.  599;  H.  510,  note  1; 
P.  476  (2)  b. 

32-34.  vim  et  manus, '  violent 
hands,'  what  figure  of  speech  ? 
quiescunt,  probant,  etc.,  oxy- 
moron. See  on  §  18.  29. 

35.  hi,  here,  equites,  in  36  and 
cives,  in  38,  make  the  three  orders 
of  the  Roman  state,  see  p.  55,  §§12, 
18,  21.     auctoritas,  see  on  §  3.  30. 

36.  videlicet,  as  in  1.  12.   cara, 
explained  11.  21,  22.    vilissima,  ex- 
plained by  §  16. 10,  and  p.  23.  §  31. 

40.  exaudire,  *  have  heard : '  the 
word  means  to  hear  with  difficulty, 
whether  owing  to  distance,  noise, 
or  the  low  tones  of  the  speaker. 


100 


ORATIO   IN   CATILINAM   PRIMA. 


dem  facile  adducam,  ut  te  haec,  quae  vastare  iam  pridem 
studes,  relinquentem  usque  ad  portas  prosequantur. 

22  IX.  Quamquam  quid  loquor?  te  ut  ulla  res  frangat, 
tu  ut  umquam  te  corrigas,  tu  ut  ullam  fugam  medi- 
tere,  tu  ut  ullum  exilium  cogites?  Utinam  tibi  istam 
mentem  di  inmortales  duint!  tametsi  video,  si  mea 

5  voce  perterritus  ire  in  exilium  animum  induxeris, 
quanta  tempestas  invidiae  nobis,  si  minus  in  praesens 
tempus  recenti  memoria  scelerum  tuorum,  at  in 
posteritatem  impendeat.  Sed  est  tanti,  dum  modo 


Is  the  tense  regular  or  irregular  ? 
See  on  §  4.  14. 

42.  haec, '  these  things'  =  '  this 
city ' ;  it  is  object  of  relinquentem. 

43.  studes,   for  tense,    see  on 
§  12.  31.  usque  ad,'  all  the  way  to,' 
prosequantur,    a    distinguished 
man  leaving  the  city  was  often 
attended  by  crowds  of  citizens  to 
indicate  their   esteem    for    him. 
Cicero  speaks  ironically  here,  for 
Catilina's  escort  would  be  of    a 
different  character. 

Explain  case  of  causa  4,  te  6, 
moenibus  9,  Metellum  11,  cus- 
todia  16,  animo  17,  metu  25, 
mihi  31,  quorum  38,  te  42;  mood 
of  adservarem  6,  essem  9,  de- 
bere  15,  iudicarit  16,  optempe- 
raturum  esse  22,  faciam,  iiitel- 
legas  23,  sentiant,  Egredere  24, 
prosequantur  43. 

After  urging  Catilina  to  leave 
the  city  because  his  life  in  it  could 
not  be  pleasant  (§  13),  and  because 
the  country  wished  him  gone  (§  17 ) , 
Cicero  now  suggests  that  by  going 
Catilina  would  bring  unpopularity 
upon  him,  the  consul,  and  thus 
gratify  his  animosity. 


§  22.  1.  Quamquam,  and  ta- 
metsi, 1.  4,  at  the  beginning  of  a 
sentence  have  a  '  corrective '  force 
and  mean  '  and  yet.'  ut .  .  .  fran- 
gat,  '  anything  break  you  down  ? r 
an  '  exclamatory  question '  (A.  332 
c;  G.  560;  H.  486,  II.,  note)  with 
the  conscious  or  unconscious 
ellipse  of  fierine  potest  or  some- 
thing of  the  sort. 

3,  4.  Utinam  .  .  .  duint :  On 
the  form  of  the  verb  A.  128  e ;  G. 
191  3;  H.  240,  3;  P.  241  c;  for 
the  mood  A.  267;  G.  253;  H.  484, 
1 ;  P.  473,  a. 

5.  animum  induxeris  '  make 
up  your  mind,'  '  determine.' 

6.  nobis,  number?   A.  98  1  b; 
G.  195  R.  7;  H.  446,  note  2;   P. 
443.     Note  the  collocation  of  the 
singular  possessive  mea,  1.  4,  with 
this   plural  personal  referring  to 
the  same  person;   nostra  or  mihi 
would    have     been    better.       si 
minus,  '  if  not,'  from  this  use  of 
minus  ( =  non)  is  derived  the  Eng- 
lish mis-,     in  praesens  tempus, 
*  for  the  present.' 

7.  8.  in    posteritatem,    the 
words  were  prophetic,  p.  39,  §  69 
f.  tanti,  '  it  is  worth  the  cost.'    A. 


CAP.   8-9,    §  21-24. 


101 


ista  sit  privata  calamitas  et  a   rei   publicae   periculis 
seiungatur.      Sed   tu   ut   vitiis    tuis    commoveare,   ut  10 
legum  poenas  pertimescas,  ut  temporibus  rei  publicae 
cedas,  non  est  postulandum.     Neque  enim  is  es,  Cati- 
lina,  ut  te  aut  pudor  umquam  a  turpitudine  aut  metus 
a   periculo   aut   ratio   a   furore   revocarit.      Quam   ob23 
rem,  ut  saepe  iam  dixi,   proficiscere   ac,  si  mihi   ini-  15 
mico,   ut   praedicas,   tuo   conflare  vis   invidiam,  recta 
perge  in  exilium ;  vix  feram  sermones  hominum,  si  id 
feceris,  vix  molem  istius  invidiae,  si  in  exilium  iussu 
consulis   ieris,    sustinebo.      Sin    autem    servire    meae 
laudi  et  gloriae  mavis,  egredere  cum  inportuna  scele-  20 
ratorum  manu,  confer  te  ad  Manlium,  concita  perditos 
cives,   secerne   te   a   bonis,    infer   patriae    bellum,    ex- 
sulta  impio  latrocinio,  ut  a  me  non  eiectus  ad  alienos, 
sed  invitatus  ad  tuos  isse  videaris.     Quamquam  quid  24 
ego  te  invitem,  a  quo  iam  sciam  esse  praemissos,  qui  25 


252  a;  G.   380;  H.  404;  P.  371, 
372. 

10.  commoveare,  in  the  pres. 
subj.   of    deponent    and    passive 
verbs,  Cicero  usually  writes  -re, 
very  rarely  -ris ;  what  in  the  pres. 
and  fut.  ind  ? 

11.  temporibus,  'necessities,' 
*  perils,'  a  very  common  meaning 
in  Cicero,  in  the  singular  as  well 
as  plural. 

12.  is  =  tails  l  such',  when  fol- 
lowed by  ut  and  subj. 

§  23.  16.  ut,  see  on  §  17.  14. 
recta,  '  straightway  '  (recte  = 
1  correctly  '),  for  the  form  A.  148, 
e ;  G.  90,  3;  H.  304,  II.,  2.  Point 
out  another  adverb  formed  in  the 
same  way  in  §  8  ad  fin. 

17.  perge,  cf.  §  10.  1.     Princi- 


pal parts?  For  this  form  of  a 
conditional  sentence  and  espe- 
cially for  the  imperative  in  the 
apodosis  (conclusion)  see  A.  306, 
a;  G.  597;  H.  508,  4;  P.  477  /. 
sermones,  'reproaches.' 

18.  istius  invidiae,  'that 
[caused  by  you]  unpopularity.' 
So  ista  in  1.  9,  see  on  §  3.  27. 
iussu  found  in  abl.  only. 

23.  impio  latrocinio, '  treason- 
able brigandage,'  case  ?  A.  245, 
a  2;  G.  407;  H.  416;  P.  404.  Im- 
pius  is  applied  to  any  crime  against 
the  gods,  the  country,  or  the  fam- 
ily, non  with  eiectus. 

§  24.  24.  isse,  principal  parts  ? 
Quamquam,  see  on  1.  1. 

25.  invitem,  what  kind  of  a 
question?  A.  268;  G.  468;  H. 


102 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


tibi  ad  Forum  Aurelium  praestolarentur  armati,  cui 
iam  sciam  pactam  et  constitutam  cum  Manlio  diem, 
a  quo  etiam  aquilam  illam  argenteam,  quam  tibi 
ac  tuis  omnibus  confido  perniciosam  ac  funestam 

30  futuram,  cui  domi  tuae  sacrarium  constitutum  fuit, 
sciam  esse  praemissam?  Tu  ut  ilia  carere  diu- 
tius  possis,  quam  venerari  ad  caedem  proficiscens 
solebas,  a  cuius  altaribus  saepe  istam  impiam  dex- 

25  teram  ad  necem  civium  transtulisti  ?  x.  Ibis  tandem 
aliquando,  quo  te  iam  pridem  ista  tua  cupiditas  effre- 
nata  ac  furiosa  rapiebat ;  neque  enim  tibi  haec  res 
adfert  dolorem,  sed  quandam  incredibilem  voluptatem. 

5  Ad  hanc  te  amentiam  natura  peperit,  voluntas  exer- 


484,  Y. ;  P.  475.  a  quo  =  cum  a 
te.  A.  320  e,  note  1;  G.  636;  H. 
517;  P.  500  (2)  (6).  For  case  of 
quo,  A.  246;  G.  403;  H.  388  2;  P. 
406.  qui  =  ut  ii.  A.  317;  G. 
545  1;  H.  497,  1;  P.  482,  2. 

26.  Forum  Aurelium,  an  un- 
important village  about  fifty  miles 
from  Rome  on  the  Aurelian  Way. 
cui  =  cum  tibi ;  for  case  see  on 
§  16.  10;  for  mood  after  it,  on  quo 
above. 

27.  pactam,     from     paciscor, 
what  might  it  come  from  ? 

28.  a  quo,  as  in  1.  25,  governing 
the  subj.  in  1.  31.     aquilam,  cf. 
Caesar  IV.  25.  4.     C.  Marius  in- 
troduced the  emblem,  and  Sallust, 
Cap.  59,  says  of  the  one  mentioned 
here:  quam  [aquilam]  bello  Cim- 
brico  [104-101]  C.  Marius  in  ex- 
ercitu  habuisse  dicebatur. 

30.  cui,  ind.  obj.  domi  tuae, 
cases?  See  on  §  19.  6.  sacra- 
rium, '  a  sanctuary.'  The  eagles  of 
the  legion  when  in  camp  were  kept 


in  a  sacred  place;  see  introduction 
to  your  Caesar. 

31.  praemissam  agrees  with 
what  ?  ut  .  .  .  possis,  see  on  §  22. 
1.  ilia,  cf.  aspectu,  §  17.  17. 

33.  altaribus,  '  altar,'  more 
common  in  the  plural  than  in  the 
singular. 

Explain  the  subjunctives  im- 
pendeat  8,  sit  9,  commoveare 
10,  revocarit  14,  videaris  24;  the 
datives  tibi  3,  nobis  6,  tempori- 
bus  11,  inimico  15,  laudi  20. 
Point  out  four  kinds  of  questions 
and  explain  the  use  of  the  mood 
in  each. 

§  25.  1-3.  tandem  aliquando, 

*  sometime  at  length '  =  an  impa- 
tient '  at  last.'  So  aliquando  alone 
is  sometimes  used,  cf.  §  10.  2. 
quo  =  eo  quo,  cf.  §  9,  18  and 
see  on  §  10.  1.  iam  pridem  .  .  . 
rapiebat,  cf.  studes,  §  21.  43. 
haec  res,  'civil  war,'  see  on 
§  7.  13. 


CAP.   9-10,   §  24-26. 


103 


cuit,  fortuna  servavit.     Numquam  tu  non  modo  otium, 
sed  ne  bellum  quidem  nisi  nefarium  concupisti.     Nac- 
tus  es  ex  perditis  atque  ab  omni  non  modo  fortuna, 
verum    etiam     spe     derelictis    conflatam    inproborum    9 
manum.     Hie  tu   qua   laetitia   perfruere,  quibus   gau-26 
diis  exultabis,  quanta    in   voluptate    bacchabere,   cum 
in  tanto  numero  tuorum  neque  audies  virum  bonum 
quemquam  neque  videbis !     Ad  huius  vitae  studium 
meditati  illi  sunt,  qui  feruntur,  labores  tui,  iacere  humi 
non  solum  ad  obsidendum  stuprum,  verum  etiam   ad  15 
facinus    obeundum,    vigilare    non    solum    insidiantem 
somno  maritorum,  verum  etiam  bonis  otiosorum.    Habes, 


6.  Numquam  .  .  .  non  modo, 

etc.  In  Latin  as  in  English  two 
negatives  are  usually  equivalent 
to  an  affirmative,  but  a  general 
negative  (here  mimquam)  is  not 
destroyed  by  a  following  non 
modo,  '  not  only,'  or  ne  .  .  .  qui- 
dem, (  not  even.'  Notice  that  the 
verb  concupisti  goes  with  both 
otium  and  bellum.  Trans. :  '  Not 
only  have  you  never  desired  peace, 
but  you  have  not  even  desired  any 
war  except  one  which  was  in- 
famous.' 

8.  ab  .  .  .  fortuna.  The  prep. 
ab  (a)  with  a  passive  verb  ordina- 
rily distinguishes  the  agent  (a  per- 
son) from  the  means  or  instrument 
(a  thing).  When,  as  here,  the 
prep,  accompanies  a  common  noun 
it  shows  that  the  thing  is  person- 
ified, a  rhetorical  figure  which  is 
sometimes  marked  in  English  by  a 
capital  *  by  Fortune  and  by  Hope.' 

§  26.  10.  Explain  the  ablatives 
in  this  line  and  the  next. 

13, 14.  huius  vitae,  i.e.,  in  a 
bandit's  camp,  meditati.  How 


is  the  deponent  used  here  ?  cf. 
depopulates  agris,  Caes.  I.  11. 
4.  What  part  of  a  deponent  is 
always  passive  in  meaning  ?  What 
part  is  sometimes  (frequently)  pas- 
sive ?  qui  feruntur,  '  boasted,' 
lit.  '  which  are  talked  about.'  A. 
201  6;  G.  626;  H.  453  7;  P.  452. 
Catilina's  physical  powers  were 
extraordinary,  and  his  followers 
boasted  of  his  ability  to  endure 
hunger,  cold,  fatigue,  and  loss  of 
sleep.  Cicero,  however,  insists 
that  these  qualities  are  virtues  only 
when  used  for  good  purposes. 
iacere  and  vigilare  (1.  16)  in  ap- 
position to  labores.  humi,  case  ? 
See  on  §  19.  6. 

15,  16.  obsidendum  stu- 
prum, '  watch  for  an  intrigue.' 
facinus  obeundum,  'commit  a 
crime,'  i.e.,  theft,  robbery,  etc. 
insidiantem  agrees  with  te  to  be 
supplied  with  iacere  and  vigilare. 

17.  somno  maritorum  bal- 
ances and  explains  stuprum  above, 
as  bonis  otiosorum  corresponds 
to  facinus. 


104 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PJ 


ubi  ostentes  tuam  illam  praeclaram  patientiam  famis, 

19  frigoris,  inopiae  re  rum  omnium,  quibus  te  brevi  tem- 

27  pore  confectum  esse  senties.    Tantum  profeci  turn,  cum 

te  a  consulatu  reppuli,  ut  exsul  potius  temptare  quam 

consul  vexare  rem  publicam  posses,  atque  ut  id,  quod 

esset  a  te  scelerate  susceptum,  latrocinium  potius  quam 

bellum  nominaretur. 

xi.  Nunc,  ut  a  me,  patres  conscript!,  quandam 
prope  iustam  patriae  querimoniam  detester  ac  deprecer, 
percipite,  quaeso,  diligenter,  quae  dicam,  et  ea  penitus 
animis  vestris  mentibusque  mandate.  Etenim,  si  mecum 
5  patria,  quae  mihi  vita  mea  multo  est  carior,  si  cuncta 
Italia,  si  omnis  res  publica  loquatur :  c  M.  Tulli,  quid 
agis  ?  Tune  eum,  quern  esse  hostem  comperisti,  quem 
ducem  belli  futurum  vides,  quem  expectari  impera- 
torem  in  castris  hostium  sentis,  auctorem  sceleris,  prin- 


18.  ubi  ostentes,  '  an  opportu-  j 
nity  to  display.'     ubi    is  here  a 
relative  ( not  interrogative )  adverb, 
and  ostentes  is  therefore  subjunc- 
tive not  of   indirect  question  but 
of  characteristic. 

19.  quibus,  the  antecedent  is 
not  rerum. 

§27.  20-22.  Tantum  profeci 
.  .  .  ut,  etc.  'This  much  I  ac- 
complished, viz.,  that,'  etc.  turn, 
cum  .  .  .  reppuli,  'at  the  time 
when  I  kept  you  from.'  He 
means  by  his  influence  in  the  elec- 
tion of  63.  See  P.  28,  §  42.  temp- 
tare,  'annoy.'  vexare,  'harm,' 
'ruin.' 

Point  out  the  correlatives  in 
this  chapter.  Give  the  principal 
parts  of  rapiebat  3,  peperit  5, 
concupisti,  Nactus  es  (nancis- 


cor)    7,  perditis   8,  confectum 
esse  20,  reppuli  21. 

Read  P.  16,  §  10,  ad  fin.  It  is 
probable  that  Cicero  inserted 
§§  27-30,  or  parts  of  them,  con- 
taining an  elaborate  explanation 
of  his  course,  at  the  time  he  re- 
vised the  orations  for  publication, 
when  he  felt  bitterly  the  conse- 
quences of  the  illegal  punishment 
of  the  conspirators. 

2.  detester  ac  deprecer, 
'  avert  by  entreaty  and  prayer.' 

3-6.  quae  dicam.  quae  is  a 
relative,  not  interrogative:  will 
this  fact  fix  the  mood  of  dicam  f 
ea  penitus  .  .  .  mandate,  'let 
these  words  sink  deep  into.'  si 
.  .  .  loquatur.  The  apodosis 
ought  to  appear  in  the  present 


CAP.    10-11,    §  26-28. 


105 


cipem   coniurationis,  evocatorem   servorum   et  civium  10 
perditorum,  exire   patiere,   ut  abs  te  non  emissus  ex 
urbe,  sed  immissus  in  urbem  esse  videatur?     Nonne 
hunc  in  vincla  duci,  non  ad  mortem  rapi,  non  summo 
supplicio  mactari  imperabis  ?     Quid  tandem  te  impedit  ?  28 
mosne    maiorum?     At   persaepe  etiam  privati  in  hac  15 
re   publica   perniciosos   cives  morte    multarunt.      An 
leges,  quae  de  civium  Romanorum   supplicio  rogatae 
sunt?     At   numquam   in  hac  urbe,   qui  a  re  publica 
defecerunt,  civium  iura  tenuerunt.     An  invidiam  po- 
steritatis     times  ?     Praeclaram   vero    populo     Romano  20 


subj.,  but  owing  to  the  long  quota- 
tion Cicero  abandons  the  logical 
form  and  leaves  the  condition  in- 
complete. 

10.  evocatorem  servorum. 
P.  29,  §  46.  After  the  war  with 
Spartacus  (Creighton,  p.  70;  Allen, 
p.  193;  Myers,  p.  93;  Pennell,  p. 
117),  the  Romans  feared  an  insur- 
rection of  their  slaves  as  they 
feared  no  other  danger  from  with- 
in or  without.  The  conspirators 
laid  great  stress  upon  the  aid  they 
would  get  from  this  numerous, 
strong,  and  daring  class  of  men. 

11, 12.  abs.  This  form  of  the 
preposition  ab  is  found  almost  ex- 
clusively in  the  phrase  abs  te. 
non  emissus  .  .  .  sed  immisus, 
'  not  sent  out  of  ...  but  let  loose 
against.'  Note  the  play  on  words, 
so  in  exsul  and  consul  above,  1.  21. 

13,  14.  hunc  .  .  .  duci  .  .  . 
imperabis.  What  is  the  construc- 
tion of  phrases  following  iubeo 
and  imperof  Cicero  and  Caesar 
use  only  the  passive  infinitive  with 
the  latter  verb.  Quote  an  exam- 
ple from  Caes.  V.  1.  3. 


§  28.  15.  mos  maiorum,  *  the 
custom  of  your  ancestors,'  the  un- 
written constitution,  to  which  the 
Romans  paid  as  much  deference  as 
to  the  written  laws  (leges  1.  17). 
Supply  the  ellipses  with  mos  here, 
and  leges  below,  persaepe,  an 
exaggeration ;  Cicero  gives  but  the 
one  instance  of  Nasica  and  Grac- 
chus, §  3.  20  and  21. 

16.  multarunt:   1.  'fined';  2. 
'punished.'      Trace   the    connec- 
tion, comparing  note  on  §  4.  9. 

17.  leges,  i.e.,  the  laws  forbid- 
ing  magistrates  to  kill  or  scourge 
a  citizen  before  he  had  been  tried 
and   condemned    by   the    people 
(P.  53,  §  2  (b)  2).     The  earliest 
were  the  leges  Valerias  (509,  449, 
300),  then  the  leges  Porciae,  then 
the  lex  Sempronia.     Owing  to  the 
custom  of  permitting  the  accused 
to  anticipate  conviction  by  going 
into  exile  the  infliction  of  capital 
punishment  was  almost  unknown, 
rogatae,  properly  meaning  '  pro- 
posed,'    rarely    as    here    means 


20, 21.  Praeclaram  refers  gra- 


106 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


refers  gratiam,  qui  te,  hominem  per  te  cognitum, 
nulla  commendatione  maiorum  tarn  mature  ad  summum 
imperium  per  omnis  honorum  gradus  extulit,  si  propter 
24  invidiam  aut  alicuius  periculi  metum  salutem  civium 
29  tuorum  neglegis.  Sed,  si  quis  est  invidiae  metus,  non 
est  vehementius  severitatis  ac  fortitudinis  invidia  quam 
inertiae  ac  nequitiae  pertimescenda.  An,  cum  bello 
vastabitur  Italia,  vexabuntur  urbes,  tecta  ardebunt, 
turn  te  non  existumas  invidiae  incendio  conflagratu- 
rum  ? '  xn.  His  ego  sanctissimis  rei  publicae  vocibus  et 
eorum  hominum,  qui  hoc  idem  sentiunt,  mentibus  pauca 
respondebo.  Ego  si  hoc  optimum  factu  iudicarem,  pa- 
tres  conscripti,  Catilinam  morte  multari,  unius  usuram 
5  horae  gladiatori  isti  ad  vivendum  non  dedissem.  Ete- 
nim,  si  summi  viri  et  clarissimi  cives  Saturnini  et 


tiam,  '  You  make  a  line  return.' 
On  the  adjective  cf.  fortes,  §  2.  16, 
and  optumum,  §  19.  11. 

22,  23.  tarn  mature.  See  p.  14, 
§  4,  ad  init.  summum  imperium 
—  consulatum.  omnis  h.  gradus, 
how  many  and  what?  P.  69,  §§ 
77,  78. 

§  29.  26.  sev.  ac  fort,  invidia, 
'  the  unpopularity  arising  from 
severity  and  rigor.'  What  is  un- 
derstood after  quam  ? 

27-29.  An  .  .  .  non  existu- 
mas. See  on  §  3.  20. 

Explain  case  of  vita,  multo  5, 
Tulli  6,  eum  7,  te  11,  supplicio 
14,  iura  19,  commendatione  22, 
invidiae  25,  nequitiae  27;  mood 
of  detester  2,  esse  7,  videatur 
12,  vastabitur  28. 

1-3.  His  .  .  .  respondebo 
These  words  ought  to  be  the  apodo- 


sis  to  si  ...  loquatur,  §27.  4-6; 
but,  by  a  change  in  construction 
(anacoluthon),  they  are  put  in  the 
form  of  an  independent  sentence. 

2.  pauca,  'briefly.'  He  spares 
Catilina's  life  (1)  in  order  to 
furnish  to  doubters  the  clearest 
proofs  of  his  treasonable  designs, 
(2)  in  order  to  get  rid  of  all  his 
followers  with  him. 

3-5.  hoc  optimum  factu  .  .  . 
multari.  Quote  a  parallel  from 
Caes.  I.,  3. 6.  iudicarem  . . .  de- 
dissem :  for  mood,  see  on  §  21.  31 ; 
for  tense  of  iudicarem,  A.  308  o  ; 
G.  599  R.  1 ;  H.  510  n.  2  P.  476  (b). 
What  tense  should  we  expect  ? 
gladiatori,  '  bully,'  a  mere  term 
of  abuse. 

6,  7.  summi  viri  et  cl.  cives. 
By  viri  he  means  magistratus,  by 
cives,  privati :  for  the  plural,  cf. 
§§  28.  15;  4.  5;  3.  24,  and  quote 


CAP.    11-12,   §  28-30. 


107 


Gracchorum  et  Flacci  et  superiorum  complurium  san- 
guine non  modo  se  non  contaminarunt,  sed  etiam  hon- 
estarunt,  certe  verendum  mihi  non  erat,  ne  quid  hoc 
parricida   civium   interfecto    invidiae   in    posteritatem  10 
redundaret.        Quodsi    ea    mihi    maxime    inpenderet, 
tamen  hoc  animo  fui  semper,  ut  invidiam  virtute  par- 
tarn  gloriam,  non  invidiam  putarem.     Quamquam  nori  30 
nulli  sunt  in  hoc  ordine,  qui  aut  ea,  quae  inminent, 
non  videant  aut  ea,  quae  vident,  dissimulent ;  qui  spem  15 
Catilinae  mollibus  sententiis  aluerunt  coniurationemque 
nascentem    non    credendo    corroboraverunt ;    quorum 
auctoritate    multi   non   solum   improbi,    verum    etiam 
inperiti,  si  in  hunc  animadvertissem,  crudeliter  et  regie 
factum  esse  dicerent.     Nunc  intellego,  si  iste,  quo  in-  20 


examples.  Sat.,  Gracch.,  Flacci, 
see  on  §§  4.  6;  3.  21;  4.  1.  Give 
the  full  names  of  these  men. 

9,  10.  mihi,  agent  with  veren- 
dum erat,  must  be  supplied  as  ind. 
obj.  with  redundaret  11.  quid 
governs  the  part.  gen.  invidiae,  1. 
10.  hoc  parricida  interfecto  = 
si  hunc  parricidam  interfecissem  ; 
for  parricida,  see  on  §  17.  26. 

11.  redundaret,  metaphor  from 
the  overflowing  of  a  stream,  *  that 
any  flood  of  unpopularity  would 
for  the  future  overwhelm  me.' 
Quodsi,  in  connection  with  si, 
the  adverbial  accusative  quod  has 
become  a  mere  connective  *  but.' 
maxime  *  ever  so  much '  intensi- 
fies the  si.  inpenderet,  subj.  of 
concession,  as  tamen  in  the  next 
line  shows,  not  of  condition, 
though  this  does  not  affect  the 
mood.  A.  313;  G.  605;  H.  515, 
II. ;  P.  478.  What  mood  ought  the 
verb  in  the  principal  clause  have  ? 


12.  fui.  There  is  really  a  slight 
ellipsis:  tamen  hoc  animo  [essem 
atque]  semper  fui,  ut,  etc.  As  the 
indicative  clause  expresses  a  fact 
that  is  true  independently  of  the 
concession,  it  alone  is  retained, 
partam  (pario),  'acquired.' 

§  30.  13, 14.  Quamquam.  What 
is  this  use  of  the  word  called  ?  See 
on  §  22.  1.  non  nulli, '  some,'  en- 
tirely indefinite,  perhaps  few,  per- 
haps many. 

15.  Note  that  qui  in  line  14 
has  the  subj.,  while  qui  in  line  15 
has  the  indie.  The  former  ex- 
presses a  characteristic  (what  is 
it  ?) ;  the  latter  is  a  mere  connec- 
tion —  ii  autem.  disaimulent, 
sc.  se  videre. 

18,  19.  improbi  corresponds 
to  qui  dissimulent  above;  in- 
periti, to  qui  non  videant. 

20.  Nunc,  see  on  §  17.  24.  quo 
(cf.  §  10.  1)  =  in  quae  :  what  is  its- 
antecedent  ?  iste,  see  on  §  2.  17. 


108 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


tendit,  in  Manliana  castra  pervenerit,  neminem  tarn 
stultum  fore,  qui  non  videat  coniurationem  esse  factam, 
neminem  tarn  improbum,  qui  non  fateatur.  Hoc  autem 
uno  interfecto  intellego  hanc  rei  publicae  pestem  paulis- 

25  per  reprimi,  non  in  perpetuum  comprimi  posse.  Quodsi 
se  eiecerit  secumque  suos  eduxerit  et  eodem  ceteros 
undique  collectos  naufragos  adgregarit,  extinguetur 
atque  delebitur  non  modo  haee  tarn  adulta  rei  publicae 
pestis,  verum  etiam  stirps  ac  semen  malorum  omnium 

31  xin.    Etenim  iam  diu,  patres  conscripti,    in  his   peri 
culis    coniurationis    insidiisque    versamur,    sed   nescio 
quo    pacto    omnium    scelerum    ac   veteris    furoris    et 
audaciae  maturitas  in  nostri  consulatus  tempus  erupit 

5  Quodsi   ex    tanto   latro.cinio   iste   unus    tolletur,   vide 
bimur   fortasse    ad   breve    quoddam    tempus    cura    el 
metu  esse  relevati,  periculum  autem  residebit  et  erit 
inclusum  penitus  in  venis  atque  in  visceribus  rei  pu 
blicae.      Ut   saepe    homines    aegri    morbo   gravi    cum 

10  aestu  febrique  iactantur,  si  aquam  gelidam  biberunt 
primo  relevari  videntur,  deinde  multo  gravius  vehe- 


25.  Note  the  repetition  of  the 
letter  p  in  these  lines,  reprimi  .  .  . 
comprimi  See  on  §  27. 11.  Cicero 
is  very  fond  of  playing  on  words  (1) 
of  the  same  stem,  but  compounded 
with  different  prepositions,  or  (2) 
of  different  stems  to  which  the 
same  preposition  is  prefixed. 

Explain  the  case  of  hominum  2. 
morte  4,  mihi  11,  quae  14,  quae 
15,  neminem  23,  peatem  24, 
semen  29;  mood  of  multari  4, 
putarem  13,  animadvertissem 
19,  pervenerit  21,  fateatur  23, 
eiecerit  26. 

§  31.  1.  iam  diu,  has  what  effect 


upon  a  tense  ?  patres  conscrip- 
ti: explain  the  origin  of  the 
phrase. 

2, 3.  nescio  quo  pacto, '  some- 
how or  other.'  For  pacto,  see  on 
§  17.  13.  Nescio  quis  is  sometimes 
a  mere  indefinite  pronoun  without 
influence  upon  the  rest  of  the  sen- 
tence (A.  202  a;  G.  469  Rem.  2; 
H.  191  note;  P.  518  a);  some- 
times the  nescio  retains  its  verbal 
force,  and  is  followed  by  the  subj. 
of  ind.  question;  which  here? 
Which  in  §  16.  37-38  ? 

5.  Compare  this  whole  sentence 
carefully  with  §  12.  29,  /.  Quodsi, 
see  on  §  29. 11.  latrocinio, '  band 


CAP.   12-13,   §  30-33. 


109 


mentiusque  adflictantur,  sic  hie  morbus,  qui  est  in  re 
publica,  relevatus   istius   poena   vehementius   reliquis 
vivis  ingravescet.     Quare  secedant  inprobi,  secernant32 
se  a  bonis,  unum  in  locum  congregentur,  muro  deni-  15 
que,    quod    saepe    iam    dixi,    secernantur    a     nobis ; 
desinant  insidiari  domi  suae  consuli,  circumstare  tri- 
bunal  praetoris    urbani,  obsidere  cum  gladiis  curiam, 
malleolos  et  faces  ad  inflammandam  urbem  comparare ; 
sit  denique  inscriptum  in  fronte  unius  cuiusque,  quid  20 
de   re   publica    sentiat.      Polliceor   hoc   vobis,    patres 
conscripti,  tantam  in  nobis  consulibus  fore  diligentiam, 
tantam   in   vobis    auctoritatem,    tantam    in    equitibus 
Romanis  virtutem,   tantam   in  omnibus  bonis   consen- 
sionem,    ut    Catilinae     profectione     omnia    patefacta,  25- 
inlustrata,  oppressa,  vindicata  esse  videatis. 

Hisce  ominibus,  Catilina,   cum  summa  rei  publicae  33 
salute,    cum   tua   peste    ac    pernicie     cumque    eorum 
exitio,   qui  se  tecum  omni  scelere   parricidioque  iun- 


of  brigands ; '  the  abstract  noun  is 
here  used  in  a  collective  sense: 
find  examples  in  §  6. 

§  32.  17, 18.  tribunal  praetoris 
urbani,  see  p.  66,  §  60.  The  city 
praetor  seems  to  have  had  a  fixed 
place  for  his  judgment-seat  in  the 
forum,  while  the  other  praetors  set 
up  their  tribunals  wherever  it  was 
convenient,  cum  gladiis  =  ?  See 
on  §  15.  25.'  Notice  in  these  lines 
the  reference  to  the  three  depart- 
ments of  government,  —  executive, 
Judicial,  legislative. 

19.  malleolos,  hammers,  the 
hollow  heads  of  which  were  filled 
with  tow  and  pitch.  They  were 
thrown  upon  the  roofs  while  the 
faces  were  applied  below. 


24.  bonis,  see  on  §  1.  5.    Ob- 
serve how  the  different  orders  of 
the  state  are  mentioned. 

25.  profectione,      case  ?     Cf . 
Caes.  II.,  7.  2:   quorum  adventu. 
patefacta,  etc.     The  four  parti- 
ciples   are    to   be   taken    in    two 
groups  of  two  each,  a  very  com- 
mon arrangement  in  Cicero.    This 
may  be  brought  out  in  English  by 
inserting  '  not  only '  before  pate- 
facta and  'but  also'  before  op- 
pressa. 

§  33.  27.  Hisce,  form  ?  A.  100 
foot  note;  G.  102  Hem.  1;  H.  186 
VI.  1;  P.  180  c.  ominibus,  ex- 
plained by  the  three  cum  clauses 
that  follow. 

29.  omni,  *  every  sort  of,'  a  very 


110 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  PRIMA. 


so  xerunt,  proficiscere  ad  impium  bellum  ac  nefarium. 
Tu,  luppiter,  qui  isdem  quibus  haec  urbs  auspiciis  a 
Romulo  es  constitutus,  quem  Statorem  huius  urbis 
atque  imperil  vere  nominamus,  hunc  et  huius  socios 
a  tuis  ceterisque  templis,  a  tectis  urbis  ac  moenibus,  a 

35  vita  fortunisque  civium  arcebis  et  homines  bonorum 
inimicos,  hostis  patriae,  latrones  Italiae  scelerum  foe- 
dere  inter  se  ac  nefaria  societate  coniunctos  aeternis 
suppliciis  vivos  mortuosque  mactabis. 


common  meaning  in  both  singular 
and  plural. 

31.  Tu,  subject  of  arcebis,  1.  35, 
and  mactabis,  1.  38.  luppiter. 
He  turns  to  the  statue  near  him. 
isdem  .  .  .  auspiciis,  for  the  aus- 
pices, see  p.  71,  §  84.  Things 
done  *  under  the  same  auspices' 
must  be  done  at  the  same  time; 
and  the  words,  therefore,  are 
equivalent  to  eodem  tempore.  This 
is,  of  course,  an  exaggeration,  as 
the  temple  was  not  vowed,  much 


less  built,  for  years  after  the 
founding  of  the  city.  See  on 
§  11.  9. 

32.  Statorem,  '  stay,  support,' 
in  a  slightly  different  sense  from 
its  original  one;  see  on  §  11.  9. 

Explain  the  case  of  patres  1, 
periculis  2,  pacto  3,  tempus  4, 
reliquis  13,  domi,  consuli  17, 
consulibus  22,  homines  35,  sup- 
pliciis 38;  mood  of  secedant  14, 
insidiari  17,  videatis  26,  pro- 
ficiscere 30. 


M.   TULLI  CICERONIS 
ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA 

AD   POPULUM. 


I.  Tandem  aliquando,  Quirites,  L.  Catilinam  furen-   1 
tern  audacia,  scelus  anhelantem,  pestem  patriae  nefarie 
molientem,    vobis    atque    huic    urbi   ferro   flammaque 
minitantem   ex   urbe   vel    eiecimus   vel   emisimus   vel 


TITLE.  Read  the  notes  on  I. 
Title.  Ad  populum.  A  speech 
delivered  ad populum,  'before  the 
people '  was  called  a  contio  ;  and  a 
gathering  of  the  people  (see  p.  61, 
§  42)  to  hear  the  speech  was  called 
by  the  same  name.  For  the  cir- 
cumstances under  which  this  con- 
tio was  delivered,  see  p.  32,  §.  52. 

Congratulations  over  Catilina's 
departure  (§§  1,  2).  " 

§  1.  1.  Tandem  aliquando,  see 
on  L  25.  1 :  which  word  might  be 
be  omitted  ?  Quirites,  the  formal 
title  of  the  Roman  people  when 
assembled  in  their  civil  capacity 
and  addressed  by  a  Roman.  The 
derivation  and  meaning  of  the  word 
are  uncertain.  What  is  the  formal 
title  of  the  senators  as  a  body  ? 


3.  vobis  and  urbi  are  indirect 
objects,  "ferro  and   flamma    are 
ablatives  of  instrument ;  instead  of 
the  ablatives,   accusatives   might 
have  been  used :  we  can  say  mini- 
tari  alicui  aliqua  re  or  minitari 
alicui  aliquid. 

4.  vel  .  .  .  vel  .  .  .  vel,  imply 
liberty  of  choice,  'either  ...  or 
.  .  .  or,  as  you  please.'    In  this 
passage   each   vel    substitutes    a 
milder  form  of  expression  for  the 
preceding,  because  Cicero  does  not 
yet  feel  quite  sure  of  the  attitude 
of  the  people.     He  speaks  more 
boldly  in  the  third  oration.    The 
sentence  may  be  trans.  '  We  have 
driven  him  out,  —  let  him  go  if 
you  will, — at  least    bidden  him 
good  speed  on  his  voluntary  de- 
parture.' 


Ill 


112 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


5  ipsum  egredientem  verbis  prosecuti  sumus.  Abiit,. 
excessit,  evasit,  erupit.  Nulla  iam  pernicies  a  monstro 
illo  atque  prodigio  moenibus  ipsis  intra  moenia  com- 
parabitur.  Atque  hunc  quidem  unum  huius  belli 
domestic!  ducem  sine  controversia  vicimus.  Non  enim 

10  iam  inter  latera  nostra  sica  ilia  versabitur,  non  in 
campo,  non  in  foro,  non  in  curia,  non  denique  intra 
domesticos  parietes  pertimescemus.  Loco  ille  motus 
est,  cum  est  ex  urbe  depulsus.  Palam  iam  cum  hoste 
nullo  inpediente  bellum  iustum  geremus.  Sine  dubio 

is  perdidimus  hominem  magnificeque  vicimus,  cum  ilium 
ex  occultis  insidiis  in  apertum  latrocinium  coniecimus. 

2  Quod  vero  non  cruentum  mucronem,  ut  voluit,  extulit, 
quod  vivis  nobis  egressus  est,  quod  ei  ferrum  e  mani- 
bus  extorsimus,  quod  incolumes  cives,  quod  stantem 


5,  6.  ipsum.  r=  sua  sponte,  ultro, 
as  sometimes  in  colloquial  English. 
verbis  prosecuti  sumus,  ironi- 
cal; quote  a  similar  ironical  ex- 
pression from  I.,  21.  43.  What 
are  the  verba  he  speaks  of  ? 
Abiit,  excessit,  evasit,  erupit, 
the  four  words  are  to  be  taken 
in  two  pairs,  i.e.,  with  a  slight 
pause  after  excessit;  see  on  I., 
10. 8,  and  quote  a  parallel  from 
I.,  32.  26.  There  is  no  climax. 
Nulla  iam,  '  no  longer,'  a  little 
more  emphatic  than  non  iam,  1.  j 
9;  cf.  I.,  16.  3. 

9.  domestici,  'civil.'  Do  not 
translate  the  word  by  '  domestic.' 
sine  controversia  =  sine  dubio, 
'without  doubt,'  'undoubtedly,' 
'beyond  question.' 

10, 11.  sica  ilia, '  that  famous,' 
a  common   meaning  of    ille;  for! 
sica,  cf.  L,  16.  35.    versabitur,  i 


'  be  busy.'  in  campo,  what  occa- 
sion is  meant  ?  See  on  I.,  11.  16/. 
in  curia,  the  Curia  Hostilia,  the 
original  senate  house;  see  Plan  B. 
It  was  built  by  Tullus  Hostilius. 

12.  domesticos  parietes, '  the 
walls  of  our  own  houses.'  Ex- 
plain the  difference  in  meaning 
between  parietes  and  moenibus, 
1.  7.  Loco  motus  est,  '  he  was 
forced  from  position  (vantage 
ground  )',  a  phrase  borrowed  from 
the  gladiators'  vocabulary  ;  give 
two  other  words  from  the  same 
source,  I.,  15.  32-34. 

14.  bellum  iustum,  'regular 
war,'  i.e.,  against  an  open  and  de- 
clared enemy,  opposed  to  '  tumul- 
tus '  and  '  latrocinium.'  Sine 
dubio  =  what  phrase  above  ? 

§  2.  18.  nobis,  abl.  abs.  ei  .  .  . 
e  manibus,  cases  ?  See  on  I.,  16. 
35. 


CAP   1-2,   §   1-3. 


113 


iirbem    reliquit,    quanto    tandem   ilium   maerore   esse  20 
adflictum    et    proftigaturn    putatis  ?      lacet   ille   nunc 
prostratus,   Quirites,  et  se  perculsum  atque  abiectum 
esse  sentit  et  retorquet  oculos  profecto  saepe  ad  hanc 
urbem,  quam  e  suis  faucibus  ereptam  esse  luget ;  quae 
quidem  mihi  laetari  videtur,  quod  tantam  pestem  evo-  25 
muerit  forasque  proiecerit. 

n.  Ac  si  quis  est  talis,  quales  esse  omnes  oportebat,   3 
qui  in  hoc  ipso,    in   quo   exultat  et  triumphat   oratio 
mea,   me    vehementer    accuset,    quod    tarn    capitalem 
hostem   non   comprehenderim   potius   quam   emiserim, 
non  est  ista  mea  culpa,  Quirites,  sed  temporum.     Inter-    5 


20.  quanto  tandem,  for  posi- 
tion of  interrogative  clause  cf.  I., 
16.  8/.,  for  tandem  I.,  1.  1. 

23.  retorquet    oculos,    as    a 

wild  beast  driven  from  its  prey. 
The  metaphor  is  continued  in  the 
next  line. 

24-26.  quam  —  et  earn,  quae 
quidem,  '  but  it,  on  the  con- 
trary;' quidem  is  used  in  its  so- 
called  '  adversative  '  sense,  quod 
.  .  .  proiecerit,  cf.  quod  .  .  . 
extulit,  1.  17.  Notice  that  the 
two  clauses  are  precisely  parallel, 
each  depending  upon  a  word  of 
emotion'  or  'feeling'  (laetari,  1. 
25,  and  maerore,  1.  20),  and  ex- 
plain the  difference  in  the  moods. 
A.  321  ;  G.  540,  541;  H.  516,  I. 
and  II  ;  P.  519.  foras.  This 
so-called  adverb  and  the  related 
form  foris,  are  really  plural 
cases  of  the  obsolete  forae, 
-arum,  meaning  probably  '  open- 1 
ings;'  foras  (ace.),  therefore  an- 
swers the  question  '  whither  ?  ' 
and  foris  (loc.)  the  question 
'  where  ? ' 


Explain  case  of  Catilinam  1, 
verbis  5,  monstro  6,  moenibus 
7,  nullo  14,  maerore  20,  quam 
24,  mihi  25.  Give  the  principal 
parts  of  erupit  6,  vicimus  9, 
pertimescemus,  motus  est  12, 
depulsus  est  13,  geremus  14, 
perdidimus  15,  extulit  17,  ex- 
torsimus  19,  perculsum  22. 

First  Part:  Explanation  of  his 
conduct  in  permitting  Catilina  to 
escape,  §§  3-16. 

§  3.  2.  in  hoc  ipso, '  in  this  very 
point.'  Explained  by  the  clause 
quod  .  .  .  comprehenderim  1.  3,  4. 

4.  comprehenderim.       What 
mood  should  we  expect  ?    See  on 
L,  3.  24;  why  the  subj  ?  See  on 
§  2.  25.  potius  quam  emiserim ; 
the  subj.  is  due  not  to  the  quod 
but    to  potius    quam,    which  in 
Cicero  is  always  followed  by  the 
subj.  of  the  act  to  be   avoided, 
with  or  (usually)  without  ut ;  see 
A.  332,  b;  G.  647,  R.  4;   H.   502 
2  ;  P.  498. 

5,  6.  non  est  ista,  slightly  ellip- 


114 


ORATIO   IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


fectum   esse  L.  Catilinam  et  gravissimo  supplicio  ad- 

fectum    iam    pridem    oportebat,    idque   a   me   et   mos 

maiorum    et    huius    imperil    severitas   et   res   publica 

postulabat.     Sed  quam  multos  fuisse  putatis,  qui,  quae 

10  ego  deferrem,  non  crederent,  quam  multos,  qui  etiam 

defenderent !     Ac,  si  illo  sublato  depelli  a  vobis  omne 

periculum   iudicarem,    iam   pridem    ego    L.    Catilinam 

non  modo  invidiae  meae,  verum  etiam  vitae  periculo 

4  sustulissem.     Sed  cum  viderem,  ne  vobis  quidem  om- 

15  nibus  re  etiam  turn  probata  si  ilium,  ut  erat  meritus, 

morte  multassem,  fore  ut  eius  socios  invidia  oppressus 

persequi  non  possem,  rem  hue  deduxi,  ut  turn  palam 

pugnare  possetis,  cum  hostem  aperte  videretis.     Quern 


tical ;  the  real  apodosis  should  be  '  I 
reply  that;'  for  a  similar  ellipsis 
see  on  I.,  16.  38.  Interfectum 
esse,  regular  or  irregular  tense  ? 
See  on  L,  4.  14.  et,  '  that  is,' 
the  so-called  '  explanatory '  use  of 
et  to  define  a  word  or  phrase  by 
a  more  exact  term.  Here  we 
would  otherwise  have  an  extreme 
instance  of  hysteron  proteron,  a 
reversal  of  the  natural  order  of 
ideas. 

7-9.  mos  maiorum,  see  on  L, 
28. 15.  huius  imperil :  for  case 
see  on  L,  12.  26.  res  publica, 
'the  public  interests.'  This 
phrase,  as  all  containing  res,  must 
always  be  translated  according  to 
the  context.  It  seldom  means 
'republic,'  usually  'nation,'  'con- 
stitution,' '  politics,'  '  public  life,' 
etc.  postulabat,  why  singular  ? 

10.  quae  deferrem,  '  the  facts 
•which  I  laid  before  them ; '  defer- 
rem is  subj.  by  attraction;  what 
attracts  it  ? 

11.  defenderent,  '  tried  to  jus- 


tify,' sc.   ea  quae  deferrem,  not 
Catilinam. 

12.  iudicarem  .  .   .  sustulis- 
sem (1.  14) :  for  tenses,  see  on  L, 
29.3. 

13.  invidiae  .  .  .  vitae  peri- 
culo, '  at  the  risk  of  unpopularity 
.  .  .  at  the  peril  of  my  life.'  There 
is  a  slight  change  of  standpoint; 
what  should  we  expect  for  vitae  f 

§  4.  14.  vobis  is  contrasted 
with  multos,  1.  9  and  10,  and  is 
dat.  of  ind.  obj. 

15-17.  re  ...  probata  '  as 
his  guilt  was  not  even  then  proved 
to  you  either.'  si  ...  multassem 
fore  ut  .  .  .  non  possem:  the 
sentence  is  thrown  into  the  indirect 
form  by  cum  viderem,  the  direct' 
form  being  .si  multavero,  non 
potero.  The  change  of  the  prota- 
sis is  perfectly  regular  and  that  of 
the  apodosis  is  due  to  the  lack  of 
a  supine  stem  in  posse.  A.  288 /; 
G.  240,  1.  2;  H.  537  3,  note  1;  P. 
5386.  hue  (=  ad  hoc)  is  explained 
by  the  clause  ut  .  .  .  possetis. 


CAP.   2-3,   §   3-5. 


115 


quidem  ego  hostem,  Quirites,  quam  vehementer  foris 
esse   timendum    putem,    licet   hinc    intellegatis,    quod  20 
etiam   illud  moleste  fero,   quod  ex   urbe  parum  comi- 
tatus exierit.     Utinam   ille    omnis   secum   suas  copias 
eduxisset!     Tongilium   mihi   eduxit,    quern   amare   in 
praetexta   coeperat,  Publicium  et   Minucium,  quorum 
aes  alienum    contractum   in   popina  nullum  rei  publi-  25 
cae     motum     adferre     poterat ;     reliquit    quos    viros, 
quanto    aere    alieno,    quam    valentis,    quam    nobilis  ! 
in.  Itaque   ego   ilium  exercitum   prae   Gallicanis  legi-  5 
onibus  et  hoc  dilectu,  quern  in  agro  Piceno  et  Gallico 
Q.  Metellus  habuit,  et  his  copiis,  quae  a  nobis  cotidie 
comparantur,  magno  opere  contemno  collectum  ex  sen- 


19.  quam  vehementer,  ironi- 
cal,   foris :   why  not  foras  as   in 
§  2.  26  ? 

20.  licet  hinc  intellegatis: 

what  mood  might  have  been  used  ? 
See  on  I.,  6.  8.  hinc  (=  ex  hoc), 
explained  by  the  clause  quod  .  .  . 
fero ;  cf.  in  hoc,  1.  2. 

21.  22.    parum    comitatus. 
Sail.    Cat.   32,    says  of   Catilina's 
departure:  node  inteuipesta  cum 
panels  in  Manliana   castra  pro- 
fectus  est.      comitatus,   voice  ? 
see  on  I.,  26. 14.     exierit,  mood  ? 
see  on  §  2.   25.     omnis,  ace.  pi. 
Note  the  other  ending  in  1.  1. 

23,24.  eduxisset:  what  kind  of 
a  wish  is  expressed  by  the  phi.  per- 
fect subj.  ?  See  on  I.,  22.  3.  mihi, 
not  to  be  translated.  A.  236;  G. 
351 ;  H.  389;  P.  382.  in  praetexta, 
'  in  boyhood.'  The  praetexta,  or 
toga  praetexta,  had  a  purple  bor- 
der, and  was  worn  by  boys  until  the 
sixteenth  or  seventeenth  year,  and 
by  magistrates;  the  toga  of  the 


private  citizen  of  full  age  was  not 
dyed.  Nothing  more  is  known  of 
the  three  men  named  here. 

25.  aes  alienum,  'debt,'  liter- 
ally, '  other  people's  money.' 

Explain  the  subj.,  accuset  3, 
crederent  10,  sustulissem,  vi- 
derem  14,  possem  17,  possetis, 
videretis  18,  putem  20. 

§  5. 1,  2.  Gallicanis  legionibus. 

A  small  standing  army  was  kept  in 
Gallia  Cisalpina  in  view  of  possi- 
ble danger  from  the  Gauls,  and 
to  these  troops  Quintus  Metel- 
lus (as  Praetor,  p.  68,  §  73) 
was  adding  reinforcements  by  a 
fresh  levy;  cf.  Caesar  I.,  10.  3. 
agro  Piceno  et  Gallico:  point 
out  upon  Map  II.  The  ager  Gal- 
licus  is  the  district  lying  along 
the  coast  north  of  Picenum,  and 
once  held  by  the  Galli  Senones. 

4, 5.  collectum  agrees  with  ex- 
ercitum in  1.  1.  senibus  despera- 
tis,  the  veterans  of  Sulla  (Creigh- 


116 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


5  ibus  desperatis,  ex  agresti  luxuria,  ex  rusticis  decocto- 
ribus,  ex  iis,  qui  vadimonia  deserere  quam  ilium  ex- 
ercitum  maluerunt;    quibus   ego   non   modo   si   aciem 
exercitus  nostri,  verum  etiam  si  edictum  praetoris  osten- 
dero,  concident.     Hos,  quos  video  volitare  in  foro,  quos 

10  stare  ad  curiam,  quos  etiam  in  senatum  venire,  qui 
nitent  unguentis,  qui  fulgent  purpura,  mallem  secum 
suos  milites  eduxisset ;  qui  si  hie  permanent,  mementote 
non  tarn  exercitum  ilium  esse  nobis  quam  hos,  qui 
exercitum  deseruerunt,  pertimescendos.  Atque  hoc 

15  etiam  sunt  timendi  magis,  quod,  quid  cogitent,  me  scire 

6  sentiunt   neque    tamen   permoventur.      Video,  cui   sit 
Apulia  adtributa,  quis   habeat   Etruriam,  quis   agrum 
Picenum,  quis  Gallicum,  quis  sibi  has  urbanas  insidias 


ton,  p.  69),  of  whom  Sail.  Cat.  28  j 
says:  quibus  lubido  atque  luxu-\ 
ria  ex  magnis  rapinis  nihil  reliqui  \ 
fecerat.  ex  agresti  luxuria,  '  of  j 
boorish  high-livers ; '  for  this  use  j 
of  the  abstract  noun,  see  on  I.,  31.  | 
5,  and  give  two  examples. 

6.  vadimonia  deserere,   etc., 
'to    desert   their   bonds  [men]  | 
rather    than,    etc.'      vadimonium 
was  a  promise,  secured  by  bail,  to 
appear  in  court  on  a  fixed  day, 
and    vadimonium    deserere  =  '  to 
forfeit  bail.'     The  plural  is  here 
accommodated  to  that  of  malue- 
runt. 

7.  quibus  ego  si  =  qui,  si  ego 
eis ;  the  Latin   idiom  prefers  to 
put  the  relative   in  the  subordi- 
nate clause,     non  modo  .  .  .  ve- 
rum etiam:  with  these  correlatives 
a  weaker  expression  may  be  fol- 
lowed by  a  stronger  (a  +  B),  '  not 
only  .  .  .  but    also  .  .  .  ',    or    a 
stronger  by  a  weaker  ( A  +  b ) ,  'I 


do  not  say  .  .  .  but .  .  .  .'  Which 
here? 

9.  video  volitare:  translate 
the  infinitive  by  a  present  partici- 
ple which  might  have  been  used. 
A.  292  e;  G.  527  R.  1;  H.  535,  I., 
4;  P.  543,  6.  volitare  in  these 
orations  has  always  a  contemptu- 
ous force. 

11,  12.  The  use  of  perfumes 
and  the  wearing  of  colors  in  pub- 
lic excited  the  contempt  of  the 
sober-minded  Romans,  mallem, 
often  used  in  wishes  instead  of  a 
particle  ;  the  tense  retains  its 
proper  force.  A.  267,  c ;  G.  254, 
Rem.  2;  H.  483.  P.  473,  c.  edux- 
isset: A.  331  f  Rem.;  G.  546, 
Rem.  3;  H.  499.  2;  P.  491.  suos 
milites,  'as  his  own  corps,'  in  ap- 
position to  hos,  1.  9. 

§6.  17-19.  Sail.  Cat.  27:?V7i«wr 
C.  Manlium  Faesulas  atque  in 
earn  partem  Etruriae,  Septimium 
quendam  Carnertem  [=  '  of  Cam- 


CAP.   3-4,   §  5-6. 


nr 


caedis  atque  incendiorum  depoposcerit.  Omnia  supe- 
rioris  noctis  consilia  ad  me  perlata  esse  sentiunt ;  pate-  20 
feci  in  senatu  hesterno  die ;  Catilina  ipse  pertimuit, 
profugit ;  hi  quid  expectant  ?  Ne  illi  vehementer 
errant,  si  illam  meam  pristinam  lenitatem  perpetuam 
sperant  futuram. 

iv.  Quod  expectavi,  iam  sum  adsecutus,  ut  vos  omnes 
factam  esse  aperte  coniurationem  contra  rem  publicam 
videretis ;  nisi  vero  si  quis  est,  qui  Catilinae  similis 
cum  Catilina  sentire  non  putet.  Non  est  iam  lenitati 
locus  ;  severitatem  res  ipsa  flagitat.  Unum  etiam  nunc  5 
concedam :  exeant,  proficiscantur,  ne  patiantur  desi- 


erinum'J  in  agrum  Picenum,  C. 
lulium  in  Apuliam  dimisit.  In 
43  he  gives  the  names  of  Lentulus, 
Bestia,  Statilius,  Gabinius,  and 
Cethegus,  as  Catilina's  agents  in 
the  city.  See  p.  32,  §  54. 

20.  superioris  noctis,  '  of  that 
former  night,'  i.e.,  the  night  of  the 
meeting  at  Laeca's.  See  P.  30,  § 
49.  The  report  of  Cicero's  first  ora- 
tion had  spread  so  widely  through 
the  city  that  his  hearers  would 
readily  understand  the  allusion, 
and  not  take  the  words  in  their 
literal  sense,  'night  before  last.' 

22.  Ne  vehementer  errant, 
etc.,  '  truly  they  make  a  great  mis- 
take if,  etc.'  ne,  interjection  (not 
adv.  or  conj. ),  in  class,  prose 
always  at  the  beginning  of  the  sen- 
tence, and  always  followed  by  a  per- 
sonal or  demonstrative  pronoun. 

Explain  case  of  exercitum  1, 
agro  2,  copiis,  nobis  3,  exerci- 
tum 6,  quibus  7,  hos  9,  quos 
10,  se  11,  nobis  13,  hoc  14,  sibi 
18,  die  21. 


1,  2.  Quod,  explained  by  ut .  .  . 
videretis  :  give  example  from  §  4. 
expectavi,  'have  been  waiting 
for,'  not  'have  expected;'  the 
three  perfects  in  these  lines  are 
'definite.'  aperte  modifies  vide- 
retis, in  spite  of  its  position;  cf. 
§  4. 18. 

3.  videretis,  '  can  now  see,'  A. 
287,  i:  'when  a  clause  depends 
upon  one  already  dependent,  the 
sequence  becomes  secondary  as 
soon  as  the  time  is  thrown  back 
into  the  past  by  any  form  that 
represents  past  time.'  nisi  vero, 
the  regular  phrase  to  introduce  an 
ironical  exception  ( here  to  omnes, 
1.  1),  always*takes  the  indicative, 
nisi  si,  cf.  Caesar  I.,  31.  14:  the 
addition  of  si  to  nisi  gives  the 
latter  an  adverbial  force,  '  unless,' 
'  except.'  Catilinae,  gen.  or  dat.  ? 
See  on  I. ,  5.  31.  similis :  for  case 
cf.  orams,  §  4.  22. 

6.  Exeant, mood?  A.  266;  G. 
256, 3;  H.  483,  484,  1 ;  P.  472,  2.  So 
proficiscantur  and  patiantur. 


118 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


derio  sui  Catilinam  miserum  tabescere.  Demonstrabo 
iter :  Aurelia  via  profectus  est ;  si  accelerare  volent, 

7  ad  vesperam  consequentur.      O  fortunatam  rem  pub- 
10  licam,  si  quidem  hanc   sentinam  urbis  eiecerit !     Uno 

mehercule  Catilina  exhausto  levata  mihi  et  recreata 
res  publica  videtur.  Quid  enim  mali  aut  sceleris  fingi 
aut  cogitari  potest,  quod  non  ille  conceperit?  quis 
tota  Italia  veneficus,  quis  gladiator,  quis  latro,  quis 

15  sicarius,  quis  parricida,  quis  testamentorum  subiector, 
quis  circumscriptor,  quis  ganeo,  quis  nepos,  quis 
adulter,  quae  mulier  infamis,  quis  corruptor  iuventutis, 
quis  corruptus,  quis  perditus  inveniri  potest,  qui  se 
cum  Catilina  non  familiarissime  vixisse  fateatur?  quae 

20  caedes  per  hosce  annos  sine  illo  facta  est,  quod  nefa- 

8  rium   stuprum  non  per  ilium  ?     lam  vero  quae  tanta 
umquam  in  ullo  iuventutis  inlecebra  fuit,  quanta   in 
illo?   qui  alios  ipse  amabat  turpissime,  aliorum  amori 
flagitiosissime  serviebat,  aliis  f  rue  turn  lubidinum,  aliis 

25  mortem  parentum  non  modo  inpellendo,  verum  etiam 


7.  sui,  object,  gen. :  number  ? 
miserum,  '  in  misery,'  to  be  taken 
in  the  predicate  with  tabescere. 

3.  Aurelia  via,  the  road  along 
the  west  coast  leading  from  Rome 
to  Pisa,  the  direct  route  to  Etruria, 
the  land  route  to  Massilia. 

§  7.  9.  ad  vesperdtm, '  by  even- 
ing,' in  this  phrase  vesperum  (ves- 
per) is  more  common:  which  is 
used  in  Caes.  I.  ,26.2?  rem  pub- 
licam:  case  ?  A.  240  d;  G.  340; 
H.  381;  P.  400.  Give  examples 
from  I.,  §  2. 

10,  11.  si  quidem, '  at  least  if,' 
the  '  restrictive '  use  of  quidem. 
eiecerit,  for  tense  see  on  I.,  5. 


25.     sentinam  .  .   .  exhausto: 
cf.  I.,  12.  30-32. 
20.  per  hosce  annos,   '  in  all 

these  years : '  for  the  use  of  per  and 
ace.  where  we  should  expect  to 
find  the  abl.  of  'time  within 
which,'  see  A.  256,  a;  G.  337, 
Rem.;  H.  379,  1.  hosce:  for  the 
form,  see  on  I.,  33.  27. 

§  8.  21.  per  ilium,  '  by  his 
agency.'  lam  vero, '  now,  again,' 
marks  the  transition  to  a  new 
point,  so  nunc  vero,  1.  26.  quae 
tanta,  etc. :  see  on  I.,  13.  9-10. 

23,  24.  alios,  aliorum :  silently 
note  the  gender,  fructum,  'en- 
joyment,' 'gratification.' 


CAP.  4-5,   §  6-9. 


119 


adiuvando  pollicebatur.     Nunc  vero  quam  subito  non 
solum  ex  urbe,  verum  etiam  ex  agris  ingentem  numerum 
perditorum  hominum  collegerat !    Nemo  non  modo  Ro- 
mae,  sed  ullo  in  angulo  totius  Italiae  oppressus  aere  alieno 
f  uit,  quern  non  ad  hoc  incredibile  sceleris  f  oedus  asciverit.  so 
v.  Atque  ut  eius  diversa  studia  in  dissimili  ratione  per-  9 
spicere  possitis,  nemo  est  in  ludo  gladiatorio  paulo  ad 
facinus  audacior,  qui  se  non  intimum  Catilinae  esse  fa- 
teatur,  nemo  in  scaena  levior  et  nequior,  qui  se  non  eius- 
dem  prope  sodalem  fuisse  commemoret.     Atque  idem    5 
tamen  stuprorum  et  scelerum  exercitatione  adsuefactus 


25,  26.  non  modo  .  .  .  verum 
etiam :  see  on  §  5.  7,  and  give  the 
formula  for  this  passage.  Notice 
the  accumulation  of  these  correla- 
tives in  the  next  few  lines.  Nunc 
vero :  see  above,  1.  21. 

28,  29.  Nemo  non  modo 
Romae,  sed,  etc.,  'there  was  not 
only  no  one  at  Rome  but  no  one 
in,  etc. ; '  or,  '  there  was  no  one,  I 
don't  say  at  Rome,  but  in,  etc.' 
Nemo  goes  with  both  clauses.  See 
on  I.,  25.  6.  The  formula  for 
these  correlatives  is  either  a  +  B 
or  A  +  b;  which  here  ? 

Explain  the  subjunctives  vi- 
deretis  3,  putet  4,  exeant,  pati- 
antur  6,  conceperit  13,  fateatur 
19,  asciverit  30;  the  case  of  de- 
siderio  6,  via  8,  Catilina  11, 
mail  12,  Italia  14,  iuventutis 
22,  Romae  28. 

§  9.  1,  2.  ut  ...  possitis,  the 
sentence  is  elliptical,  and  the  verb 
upon  which  this  clause  depends 
must  be  supplied,  '  I  tell  you  this; ' 
such  final  clauses  are  said  to  denote 
'the  purpose,  not  of  the  action, 


but  of  the  mention  of  the  action.' 
Cf.  the  similar  ellipses  with  si, 
§  3.  5,  and  quod  I.,  16.  38.  dis- 
simili ratione, '  in  different  direc- 
tions, lines.'  ludo  gladiatorio: 
there  were  regular  training  schools 
for  gladiators,  some  of  the  most 
famous  at  Capua.  Gladiators  and 
actors  were  usually  slaves,  and  held 
in  about  as  high  estimation  as 
prize-fighters  and  variety  dancers 
now. 

3.  audacior,  'more  reckless' 
than  his  fellows:  standard  of  com- 
parison omitted.  A.  93,  a ;  G. 
312;  H.  444,  1;  P.  164,  a.  So 
levior  and  nequior. 

5.  sodalem,  '  brother,'  a 
stronger  word  than  intimum,  as  it 
signified  a  fellow  member  of  an 
(originally  religious)  order  or  fra- 
ternity. It  gradually  lost  this 
meaning,  and  sank  (as  here)  to 
'pal,'  'crony.'  commemoret, 
'assert,'  always  in  Cicero  a  word 
of  '  saying,'  never  of  '  reminding/ 
or  'remembering." 

6-8.  exercitatione  adsuefac- 
tus, etc.,'  trained  by  his  practice  of 


120 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


frigore  et  fame  et  siti  et  vigiliis  perferundis  fortis  ab 
istis  praedicabatur,  cum  industriae  subsidia  atque  in- 

9  strumenta  virtutis  in  lubidine  audaciaque  consumeret. 

10  Hunc  vero  si  secuti  erunt  sui  comites,  si  ex  urbe 
exierint  desperatorum  hominum  flagitiosi  greges,  o  nos 
beatos,  o  rem  publicam  fortunatam,  o  praeclaram  lau- 
dem  consulatus  mei !  Non  enim  iam  sunt  mediocres 
hominum  lubidines,  non  humanae  ac  tolerandae  auda- 

15  ciae ;  nihil  cogitant  nisi  caedem,  nisi  incendia,  nisi 
rapinas.  Patrimonia  sua  profuderunt,  fortunas  suas 
obligaverunt ;  res  eos  iam  pridem  deseruit,  fides  nuper 
deficere  coepit;  eadem  tamen  ilia,  quae  erat  in  abun- 
dantia,  lubido  permanet.  Quodsi  in  vino  et  alea  comis- 

20  sationes  solum  et  scorta  quaererent,  essent  illi  quidem 
desperandi,  sed  tamen  essent  ferendi;  hoc  vero  quis 
ferre  possit,  inertes  homines  fortissimis  viris  insidiari, 
stultissimos  prudentissimis,  ebriosos  sobriis,  dormientis 


debauchery  and  crime  to  bear  cold, 
etc.,  the  ablatives  are  all  of  means, 
but  exercitatione  is  the  general  one 
modifying  the  whole  phrase  adsue- 
factus  .  .  .  perferundis,  while  the 
others  are  the  special  ones  that  ac- 
company adsuefactus.  Cf.  Caesar 
IV.,  1.  9,  nullo  officio  aut  disci- 
plina  assuefacti.  G.  403,  Rem. 
2;  P.  421.  cum  is  concessive. 

11.  o  nos,  etc. ;  for  this  form  of 
the  apodosis,  see  on  I.,  23.  17. 
Give  example  from  §  7. 

§  10.  14, 15.  audaciae, '  acts  of 
recklessness;'  the  word  in  good 
writers  has  almost  always  a  bad 
sense.  The  plural  of  abstract 
nouns  may  be  rendered  'acts  of,' 
'  instances  of,'  or  the  Eng.  singu- 
lar may  be  used,  nihil  nisi, 


4  nothing  but;'  nisi,  as  a  mere 
connective,  takes  the  same  con- 
struction after  as  before  it,  but  cf. 
L,  17.  26. 

17.  res,  *  cash,'  is  contrasted 
with  fides  '  credit,'  as  iam  pridem 
'  long  ago,'  with  nuper, '  recently.' 
nuper,  since  —  ?  See  on  I.,  14. 17. 

18, 19.  in  abundantia,  '  in  the 
days  of  their  plenty; '  in  this  sense 
abundantia  is  usually  accompa- 
nied by  rerum.  Quodsi:  see  on 
L,  29.  11. 

20,  21.  quidem  desperandi, 
etc.,  '  beyond  redemption,  1  admit, 
but  still,  etc.,'  a  good  instance  of 
the  'concessive'  use  of  quidem. 
What  other  use  in  §  7  ? 

23,  24.  Notice  the  absence  of 
connectives  between  the  pairs  of 


CAP.   5,   §  19-11. 


121 


vigilantibus  ?    qui   mihi   accubantes    in   conviviis  con- 
plexi  mulieres  inpudicas  vino  languidi,  conferti  cibo,  25 
sertis  redimiti,  unguentis  obliti,  debilitati  stupris  eruc- 
tant   sermonibus   suis    caedem    bonorum    atque    urbis 
incendia.     Quibus   ego   confido   impendere   fatum   ali- 11 
quod,  et  poenam  iam  diu  improbitati,  nequitiae,  sceleri, 
libidini    debitam    aut    instare    iam    plane    aut    certe  30 
adpropinquare.      Quos   si    meus    consulatus,    quoniam 
sanare  non  potest,  sustulerit,   non  breve  nescio  quod 
tempus,    sed    multa    saecula    propagarit    rei   publicae. 
Nulla    est    enim    natio,    quam   pertimescamus,  nullus 
rex,  qui  bellum  populo  Romano  facere  possit.     Oninia  35 
sunt    externa    unius   virtute    terra    marique    pacata; 
domesticum   bellum  manet,  intus  insidiae  sunt,  intus 
inclusum  periculum  est,  intus  est  hostis.     Cum   lux- 
uria  nobis,  cum  amentia,  cum  scelere   certandum  est. 
Huic    ego    me    bello   ducem    profiteer,    Quirites ;    sus-  40 
cipio    inimicitias   hominum   perditorum ;    quae    sanari 
poterunt,   quacumque  ratione  sanabo,   quae  resecanda 
erunt,  non  patiar  ad  perniciem  civitatis  manere.    Proinde 
aut  exeant  aut  quiescant  aut,  si  et  in  urbe-  et  in  eadem 
mente  permanent,  ea,  quae  merentur,  expectent.  45 


words:  this  is  called  asyndeton. 
Give  an  example  from  Caes.  I., 
20.  ad  fin.  mihi :  see  on  §  4.  23. 

26.  obliti,  from  oblino :  what 
does  obliti  come  from  ? 

§11.  30.  aut  instare,  etc., 
'  is  either  now  actually  pressing 
upon  them,  or  at  least  nearing 
them.'  See  on  I.,  4.  9. 

32,  33.  nescio  quod :  how 
many  uses  ?  See  on  I.,  31.  2. 
Which  here  ?  propagarit,  *  will 
have  added.'  rei  publicae,  dative. 

36.  unius.  Pompeius,  who  had 
swept  the  sea  of  pirates,  and  con- 


quered the  east  (Creighton,  pp.  71- 
72;  Allen,  pp.  195-196;  Myers,  pp. 
96-97;  Pennell,  pp.  120-122). 

38-40.  luxuria,  amentia,  sce- 
lere :  see  on  luxuria,  §  5.  5.  Qui- 
rites: see  on  §  1.  1. 

42.  Metaphors  from  surgery. 
quacumque  ratione,  sc.  potero, 
'  by  any  possible  means.' 

44.  in  urbe  et  in,  etc.,  'in  the 
city,  and  of  the  same  mind.'  No- 
tice the  literal  and  metaphorical 
uses  of  in  so  closely  connected! 

Explain  mood  of  fateatur  3, 
deficere  18,  quaererent  20,  ferre 


122 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


12  vi.  At  etiam  sunt,  qui  dicant,  Quirites,  a  me  eiectum 
in  exilium  esse  Catilinam.      Quod   ego  si  verbo  adse- 
qui   possem,    istos   ipsos    eicerem,    qui   haec   locuntur. 
Homo  enim  videlicet  timidus  aut  etiam  permodestus 

5  vocem  consulis  ferre  non  potuit ;  simul  atque  ire  in 
exilium  iussus  est,  paruit,  ivit.  Hesterno  die,  Quirites, 
cum  domi  meae  paene  interfectus  essem,  senatum  in 
aedem  lovis  Statoris  convocavi,  rem  omnem  ad  patres 
conscriptos  detuli.  Quo  cum  Catilina  venisset,  quis 
10  earn  senator  appellavit,  quis  salutavit,  quis  denique  ita 
aspexit  ut  perditum  civem  ac  non  potius  ut  importu- 
nissimum  hostem  ?  Quin  etiam  principes  eius  ordinis 
partem  illam  subselliorum,  ad  quam  ille  accesserat, 

13  nudam  atque  inanem  reliquerunt.     Hie  ego  vehemens 
15  ille  consul,   qui  verbo  civis  in  exilium  eicio,  quaesivi 


22,  insidiari  22,  impendere  28, 
propagarit  33,  pertimescamus 
34,  expectant  45;  case  of  scaena 
4,  istis  8,  nos  11,  consulatus  13, 
viris  22,  sermonibus  27. 

Having  answered  the  boni,  who 
might  think  his  measures  not 
strong  enough  (§§  3-11),  Cicero 
now  turns  his  attention  to  the 
improbi,  who  might  think  them 
too  strong  (§§  12-16). 

§  12.  2.  Quod  ego  si:  quod  is 
object  of  consequi,  'effect;'  cf. 
§  6.  1.  How  does  this  differ  from 
the  use  of  quod  (also  with  si),  in 
I.,  31.5? 

4.  Homo,  slightly  contemptu- 
ous: cf.  §  1.  15. 

6.  iussus  est:  tense?  See  on 
I.,  16.11.  Hesterno  die  really 
modifies  convocavi  only,  but  by  its 
position  is  ambiguous ;  his  hearers 
might  connect  it  with  interfectus 


essem.  For  a  similar  (intentional  ?) 
ambiguity,  see  on  I.,  14.  12. 
paruit,  ivit:  figure  of  speech? 
See  on  §  10.  23-24. 

9.  Compare  with  the  whole 
passage,  L,  §  16.  quo:  part  of 
speech?  cf.  I.,  30.  20.  Point  out 
another  example  in  this  chapter. 

12,  13.  Quin  etiam,  'Why! 
even.'  In  this  use  of  quin  (=  qui 
ne  '  why  not ')  developed  from  the 
interrogative,  it  is  always  followed 
by  a  startling  statement  and  is 
exclamatory  in  nature;  cf.  the 
English  '  why  ?  '  and  '  why !  ' 
principes  eius  ordinis  =  omnes 
consulares,  I.,  16.  9.  subsellio- 
rum:  describe  them.  See  on  L, 
16.9. 

§  13.  14, 15.  Hie,  *  hereupon : ' 
this  adverb  is  used  (a)  of  place, 
(b)  of  time,  (c)  of  circumstances; 
which  here  ?  Give  an  example  of 
(a)  from  I.,  §  9.  vehemens  .  .  . 


CAP.  6,   §  12-14. 


123 


a   Catilina,   in  nocturno    conventu   apud   M.    Laecam 
fuisset  necne.     Cam  ille  homo  audacissimus  conscientia 
convictus   primo   reticuisset,  patefeci  cetera;    quid  ea 
nocte  egisset,  quid  in  proximam  constituisset,  quern  ad 
modum    esset   ei   ratio    totius    belli    descripta,  edocui.  20 
Cum  haesitaret,  cum  teneretur,  quaesivi,  quid  dubitaret 
proficisci  eo,  quo  iam  pridem  pararet,  cum  arma,  cum 
secures,  cum  fasces,   cum  tubas,   cum  signa  militaria, 
cum  aquilam  illam  argenteam,  cui  ille  etiam  sacrarium  24 
domi  suae  fecerat,  scirem  esse  praemissam.     In  exilium  14 
eiciebam,  quern  iam  ingressum  esse  in  bellum  videbam  ? 
Etenim,    credo,    Manlius    iste    centurio,    qui  in  agro 
Faesulano  castra   posuit,   bellum  populo  Romano   suo 
nomine  indixit,  et  ilia  castra  nu'nc  non  Catilinam  ducem 
expectant,  et  ille  eiectus  in  exilium  se  Massiliam,  ut  30 
aiunt,  non  in  haec  castra  conferet. 


eicio.  Cicero  quotes  ironically 
the  charge  of  the  improbi.  vehe- 
mens  ille  consul.  The  Latin 
idiom  does  not  ordinarily  connect 
adjectives  of  praise  and  blame 
directly  with  names  and  titles  of 
persons.  Instead,  the  adjective  is 
usually  separated  from  the  noun  by 
(a)  an  appositive  (see  on  I.,  4.  4), 
or  (b)  ille.  civis:  case?  cf.  simi- 
Hs,  §  6.  3.  verbo, '  a  mere  word : ' 
what  is  referred  to  ? 

16, 17.  a  Catilina,  <  asked  Cat- 
ilina.' Do  not  translate  a.  A. 
239  c,  note  1;  G.  333,  Rem.  2;  H. 
374,  note  4;  P.  394  (2)  a.  fuisset 
necne,  '  whether  or  not.'  A.  211, 
a;  G.  461,  460;  H.  353,  note  3;  P. 
581.  homo :  could  vir.  have  been 
used  ?  See  on  I.,  13.  4. 

18-20.  ea  nocte,  in  proxi- 
mam :  see  p.  30,  §  49.  quern  ad 


modum, 'how.'     ei:  case?    See 
on  I.,  16.  10.    ratio  totius  belli, 

'the  whole  campaign.' 

22,  23.  proficisci :  mood  ?  See 
on  I.,  17.  21.  cum,  causal,  with 
—  ?  cum  arma,  cum  secures, 
cum,  etc.  What  figure  of  speech  ? 
See  on  I.,  1.  3.  arma,  secures, 
etc.,  indicating  his  usurpation  of 
the  consular  power,  secures, 
fasces :  see  p.  64,  §§  54.  55. 

24.  aquilam:  see  on  I.,  24.  28. 
illam:  meaning?  See  on  §  1.  10. 
sacrarium:  see  on  I.,  24.  30. 

§  14.  27.  credo,  parenthetical 
and  ironical  as  often  (not  always) : 
give  an  example  from  I.,  5.  26. 
iste :  meaning  here  ?  See  on  L, 
2.  17. 

30.  Massiliam  :  case  ?  A  city 
(originally  a  Greek  colony)  in  the 
south  of  Gallia,  of  considerable 


124 


ORATIO   IN   CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


VTI.  O  condicionem  miseram  non  modo  administran- 
dae,  verum  etiam  conservandae  rei  publicae  !  Nunc  si 
L.  Catilina  consiliis,  laboribus,  periculis  meis  circum- 
clusus  ac  debilitatus  subito  pertimuerit,  sententiam 

5  mutaverit,  deseruerit  suos,  consilium  belli  faciendi  ab- 
iecerit  et  ex  hoc  cursu  sceleris  ac  belli  iter  ad  fugam 
atque  in  exilium  converterit,  non  ille  a  me  spoliatus 
armis  audaciae,  non  obstupefactus  ac  perterritus  mea 
diligentia,  non  de  spe  conatuque  depulsus,  sed  indem- 

10  natus  innocens  in  exilium  eiectus  a  consule  vi  et 
minis  esse  dicetur ;  et  erunt,  qui  ilium,  si  hoc  fecerit, 
non  improbum,  sed  miserum,  me  non  diligentissimum 
consulem,  sed  crudelissimum  tyrannum  existimari  velint ! 

15  Est   mihi  tanti,  Quirites,  huius  invidiae  falsae  atque 

15  iniquae  tempestatem  subire,  dum  modo  a  vobis  huius 


size,  wealth,  and  culture,  and  a 
favorite  refuge  for  Romans  avoid- 
ing punishment  by  going  into 
exile,  ut  aiunt:  p.  31,  §  51 
ad  fin. 

Explain  mood  of  dicant  1,  pos- 
sem,  eicere/n  3,  interfectus 
essem  7,  fuisset  17,  egisset  19, 
scirem  25,  aiunt  31.  Define  the 
following  '  figures  of  speech,'  and 
give  an  example  of  each  from 
these  orations:  anaphora,  asynde- 
ton, hendiadys,  ellipsis. 

1-3.  condicionem,  '  terms,' 
'  task: '  case  ?  See  on  §  7.  9.  con- 
siliis, laboribus,  periculis :  fig- 
ure of  speech  ?  Point  out  other 
examples  in  this  chapter. 

4-7.  pertimuerit  .  .  .  et  con- 
verterit.  Note  the  series  of  five 
future  perfects,  of  which  the  last 


two  only  are  connected  by  et.  In 
such  enumerations,  when  the  sev- 
eral units  are  regarded  as  of  equal 
importance,  either  (a)  the  connec- 
tive is  written  between  each  two, 
or  (6)  is  omitted  altogether,  or  (c) 
-que  is  attached  to  the  last.  When, 
as  here,  et  (or  atque)  is  placed  be- 
tween the  last  two,  the  units  are 
not  of  equal  importance,  but  those 
before  the  et  are  to  be  taken  collec- 
tively (a  4-  b  +  c  +  d)  +  e.  This 
should  be  carefully  indicated  by  the 
translation:  'Now,  if  Catilina  .  .  . 
not  only  becomes  suddenly  fright- 
ened, changes  his  mind,  deserts  his 
friends,  and  gives  up  his  plan  of 
making  war,  but  also  turns,  etc.' 

§  15.  14.  Est  tanti :  subject  of 
est?  Case  of  tanti?  See  on  L, 
22. 8.  huius  invidiae,  i.e.,  arising 
from  excessive  rigor,  cf.  L,  29.  26. 


CAP.   7,   §   14-16. 


125 


horribilis  belli  ac  nefarii  periculum  depellatur.    Dicatur 
sane    eiectus   esse   a   me,   dum   modo  eat  in  exilium. 
Sed,  mini  credite,  non  est  iturus.    Numquam  ego  ab  dis 
inmortalibus  optabo,  Quirites,  invidiae  meae  levandae 
causa,  ut  L.  Catilinam  ducere  exercitum  hostium  atque  20 
in  armis  volitare  audiatis,  sed  triduo  tamen  audietis  ; 
multoque  magis  illud   timeo,  ne  mihi   sit   invidiosum 
aliquando,    quod   ilium   emiserim   potius    quam    quod 
eiecerim.     Sed  cum  sint  homines,  qui  ilium,  cum  pro- 
fectus   sit,   eiectum   esse    dicant,   idem,   si   interfectus  25 
esset,  quid  dicerent  ?     Quamquam  isti,  qui  Catilinam  16 
Massiliam  ire  dictitant,  non  tarn  hoc  queruntur  quam 
verentur.     Nemo  est  istorum  tarn  misericors,  qui  ilium 
non  ad  Manlium  quam  ad  Massilienses  ire  malit.     Ille 
autem,  si   mehercule   hoc,  quod  agit,  numquam  antea  30 
cogitasset,    tamen     latrocinantem    se    interfici    mallet 
quam  exulem  vivere.     Nunc  vero,  cum  ei  nihil  adhuc 
praeter   ipsius   voluntatem    cogitationemque  accident, 
nisi   quod   vivis   nobis  Roma   profectus    est,    optemus 
potius,  ut  eat  in  exilium,  quam  queramur.  35 


16.  depellatur:  for  mood,  A. 
314;  G.  575;  H.  513.  I. ;  P.  504. 

17-19.  sane,  'for  all  I  care,' 
concessive,  mihi  credite,  '  take 
my  word  for  it ; '  in  a  different 
sense,  L,  6.  5.  ab  dis  optabo, 
same  construction  as  with  some 
verbs  of  asking.  See  on  §  13. 
16. 

20,  21.  ducere,  volitare:  for 
translation,  see  on  §  5. 10.'  triduo, 
'  within  three  days ; '  *  in  two  days,' 
by  our  reckoning. 

22-24.  illud,  explained  by  ne 
.  .  .  sit.  quod  emiserim  .  .  . 
eiecerim :  mood  ?  See  on  §  2.  25. 

25.   idem,  nom.  plural,     quid, 


crowded  out  of  its  place  before 
idem;  cf.  si.  L,  17.  13. 

26,  27.  Quamquam :  what  is 
this  use  called?  see  on  L,  30.  13. 
isti :  cf .  §  14.  27.  dictitant :  for 
form,  A.  167  b ;  G.  787,  1.  b ;  H. 
336.  II. ;  P.  288  (2). 

28-31.  It  would  be  better  for 
him  to  go  into  exile  at  Massilia 
than  to  meet  the  fate  that  will 
surely  be  his  in  war,  but  his  accom- 
plices prefer  the  latter  course  for 
him.  mehercule:  full  form? 
See  on  I.,  17. 13.  si  ...  tamen: 
cf.  L,  29.  11-12. 

35.  queramur :  mood?  See  on 
emiserim,  §  3.  4. 


126 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


17  vni.  Sed  cur  tarn  din  de  uno  hoste  loquimur,  et  de 
eo  hoste,  qui  iam  fatetur  se  esse  hostem,  et  quern,  quia, 
quod  semper  volui,  murus  interest,  rion  timeo  ;  de  his, 
qui  dissimulant,  qui  Romae  remanent,  qui  nobiscum 

5  sunt,  nihil  dicimus  ?  Quos  quidem  ego,  si  ullo  modo 
fieri  possit,  non  tarn  ulcisci  studeo  quam  sanare  sibi 
ipsos,  placare  rei  publicae,  neque,  id  quare  fieri  non 
possit,  si  me  audire  volent,  intellego.  Exponam  enim 
vobis,  Quirites,  ex  quibus  generibus  hominum  istae 

10  copiae  comparentur ;  deinde  singulis  medicinam  con- 
silii  atque  orationis  meae,  si  quam  potero,  adferam. 


Explain  case  of  rei  publicae  2, 
faciendi  5,  me  7,  armis  8,  dili- 
gentia,  ape  9,  me  12,  mihi  14, 
causa  20,  triduo  21,  multo  22, 
nobis  34;  mood  of  converterit  7, 
fecerit  11,  velint  13,  depella- 
tur  16,  sit  22,  acciderit  33,  opte- 
mus  34. 

Second  part:  Cicero  now(§§  17- 
23)  turns  his  attention  from  Cati- 
lina  to  his  followers  in  the  city. 

§  17.  2-3.  quern,  quia,   quod, 

etc. :  an  excellent  example  of  the 
important  principle  of  '  suspension 
of  clauses.'  Any  clause,  principal 
or  subordinate,  is  suspended  when 
any  subordinate  connective  ap- 
pears between  the  first  and  last 
words  of  that  clause;  and  the  rest 
of  the  clause  does  not  appear  until 
the  whole  of  the  subordinate  clause 
is  finished.  Here  we  have  three 
clauses:  quern  non  timeo,  quia 
murus  interest,  quod  semper  volni, 
and  the  suspension  may  be  indi- 
cated best  by  different  types: 
QUEM,  QUIA,  quod  semper  volui, 

MURUS  INTEKEST,  NON   TIMEO. 


Almost  any  complex  sentence  will 
furnish  illustrations,  his :  the 
choice  of  the  demonstrative  of  the 
first  person  is  explained  by  the 
clause  qui  nobiscum  sunt. 

4.  dissimulant :  sc.  a  clause 
from  line  2. 

5, 6.  si ...  studeo :  note  the  sub- 
junctive in  protasis  and  the  in- 
dicative in  apodosis,  the  idea  of 
contingency  being  sufficiently  in- 
dicated by  the  meaning  (not  mood) 
of  studeo.  So  in  I.,  2.  17:  vide- 
mur,  si  vitemus.  sibi,  '  for  their 
own  good,'  dat.  of  reference  (dat. 
commodi).  Really  of  no  special 
point  in  itself,  but  inserted  for  the 
sake  of  symmetry  to  balance  rei 
publicae,  1.  7.  Point  out  another 
instance  in  I.,  12.  28. 

9-11.  ex  quibus  generibus. 
Cicero  divides  the  followers  of 
Catilina  into  six  classes,  and  then 
describes  the  circumstances  and 
needs  of  each,  singulis,'  one  by 
one,'  sc.  generibus.  si  quam :  sc. 
adferre. 

§  18.  The  first  class :  Rich  land- 
holders, but  greatly  in  debt  —  they 


CAP.  8,   §  17-18. 


127 


Unum  genus   est   eorum,   qui   magno   in   aere   alieno  18 
maiores    etiam    possessiones    habent,    quarum    amore 
adducti  dissolvi  nullo  modo  possunt.     Horum  hominuni 
species  est  honestissima  (sunt  enim  locupletes),  volun-  15 
tas  vero  et  causa  inpudentissima.     Tu  agris,  tu  aedi- 
ficiis,  tu  argento,  tu.  familia,  tu  rebus  omnibus  ornatus 
et   copiosus   sis   et   dubites    de  possessione  detrahere, 
adquirere  ad  fidem  ?      Quid  enim  expectas  ?   bellum  ? 
Quid  ergo  ?    in  vastatione   omnium  tuas    possessiones  20 
sacrosanctas  futuras  putas  ?  An  tabulas  novas  ?    Errant, 
qui  istas  a  Catilina  expectant ;  meo  beneficio  tabulae 
novae   proferentur,  verum   auctionariae  ;    neque   enim 
isti,    qui  possessiones    habent,   alia   ratione   ulla   salvi 
esse    possunt.      Quod    si    maturius    facere    voluissent  25 


must  pay  their  debts  by  selling  all 
or  part  of  their  land. 

12.  Unum,  'the  first.'  In 
enumerations  unus  and  alter 
(alius)  are  generally  used  before 
tertius,  quartus,  etc.,  instead  of 
the  ordinals  primus  and  secundus. 
Give  an  example  from  Caesar  I., 
1.  1.  est  eorum,  'consists  of 
those : »  case  ?  A.  214,  c ;  G.  365 ; 
H.  401 ;  P.  357.  in  aere  alieno : 
See  on  §  4.  25,  the  clause  has  a 
concessive  force  '  although  in  — .' 

13-15.  possessiones,  always  of 
'  landed  property.'  species, '  out- 
ward appearance.'  voluntas,  etc., 
'intentions  and  principles.' 

16-18.  Tu  .  .  .  sis  et  dubites, 
'  would  you  be  ...  and  hesitate  ? 
mood?  See  on  L,  24.  25.  He 
imagines  one  of  this  class  before 
him.  argento,  'silver-plate.' 
familia,  '  slaves,'  never  '  family ' 
in  the  English  sense. 

20.  omnium,    neut.   gen.,    'all 


things,'  a  very  rare  use  of  the  adj. 
as  a  substantive  for  omnium  rerum. 
A.  188,  6 ;  G.  195  Rem.  4;  P.  439 
(4),  a. 

21.  tabulas  novas,   'new  ac- 
count books,'  the  watchword  of 
Catilina' s  needy  followers.     This 
expression    in    a    political    sense 
always  denotes  an    alteration  of 
debts    in    favor    of     the    debtor, 
whether  the  creditors  were  com- 
pelled by  law  to  sacrifice  a  part 
only  of  their  claims  or  the  whole, 
as  the  conspiracy  promised. 

22,  23.  meo    beneficio,     etc., 
thanks  to  me  '  (lit.  '  by  my  kind- 
ness'),  '  new  account  books  shall  be 
introduced,  but  (they  shall  be)  those 
of    the    auctioneers.'     He    means 
that  he  will  propose  a  law  compel- 
ling these  debtors  to  sell  and  pay. 

25,  26,  Quod  si:  case  of  quod  9 
See  on  §  12.  2.  id  quod :  A.  200, 
e;  G.  616,  Rem.  2;  H.  445.  7.  id 
is  in  apposition  with  the  clause  to 


128 


ORATIO  IN  CATIL1NAM  SECUNDA. 


neque,  id  quod  stultissimum  est,  certare  cum  usuris 
fructibus  praediorum,  et  locupletioribus  his  et  melio- 
ribus  civibus  uteremur.  Sed  hosce  homines  minime 
puto  pertimescendos,  quod  aut  deduci  de  sententia 

so  possunt  aut,  si  permanebunt,  magis  mihi  videntur 
vota  facturi  contra  rem  publicam  quam  arma  laturi. 

19  ix.  Alterum  genus  est  eorum,  qui  quamquam  pre- 
muntur  aere  alieno,  dominationem  tamen  expectant, 
rerum  potiri  volunt,  honores,  quos  quieta  re  publica  des- 
perant,  perturbata  se  consequi  posse  arbitrantur.  Quibus 

5  hoc  praecipiendum  videtur,  unum  scilicet  et  idem  quod 
reliquis  omnibus,  ut  desperent  se  id,  quod  conantur, 


which  the  relative  refers;  when,  as 
here,  the  antecedent  clause  is  not  a 
substantive  clause  and  has  no  case, 
we  may  consider  id  an  adverbial 
accusative,  certare  depends  upon 
maluissent  to  be  supplied  from 
voluissent.  cum  usuris, 'against 
the  payment  of  interest:'  use  of 
cum?  A.  248  6;  H.  419  III. 
1.  2.  Give  example  from  §  11.  39. 

27,  28.  fructibus  praedio- 
rum, 'the  income  from  their 
farms.'  locupletioribus  . . .  ute- 
remur: 'we  should  find  in  these 
men  richer  and  better  citizens.' 
minime,  '  the  least '  (not,  '  by  no 
means,'  'very  little'),  i.e.,  of  the 
six  classes  this  is  least  formida- 
ble. 

Compare  the  adjectives  magno 
12,  honestissima  15,  inpuden- 
tissima  16,  copiosus  18,  stul- 
tissimum 26,  locupletioribus, 
melioribus  27. 

§  19.  Second  Class  :  Men  whose 
ambition  has  been  disappointed  — 


they  must  give,  up  their  hopes  of 
power.  Sail.  Cat.  17:  Erantprae- 
terea  complures  paulo  occultius 
consili  huiusce  participes  nobiles, 
quos  magis  dominationis  spes  hor- 
tabatur  quam  inopia  aut  alia 
necessitudo. 

1.  Alterum   est    eorum:  see 
on  §  18. 12.    qui,  quamquam,  sus- 
pension: see  on  §  17.  2. 

2,  4.  dominationem,    '  a    des- 
potism,'  always  the  rule  of  one 
person,     rerumque    potiri,    '  to 
get  control  of  the  supreme  power.' 
potior  always  governs  the  genitive 
of  res  in   this   sense;  sometimes 
too  of  other  words.     Give  an  ex- 
ample from   Caesar  I.,  3,  ad  fin. 
What  is  the  regular  construction  ? 
perturbata,  sc.    re  publica,   op- 
posed to  quieta  above. 

5.  hoc  praecipiendum,  '  this 
warning  should  be  given; '  hoc  is 
explained  by  ut  desperent :  give 
an  example  from  §  6.  1.  scilicet 
(—  scire  licet),  'any  one  may 
know,'  '  self-evidently : '  point  out 


CAP.  8-9,   §  18-19. 


129 


consequi  posse  ;  primum  omnium  me  ipsum  vigilare, 
adesse,  providere  rei  publicae  ;  deinde  magnos  animos 
esse  in  bonis  viris,  magnam  concordiam,  magnas  prae- 

10  terea  militum  copias;  deos  denique  inmortalis  huic 
iiivicto  populo,  clarissimo  imperio,  pulcherrimae  urbi 
contra  tantam  vim  sceleris  praesentis  auxilium  esse 
laturos.  Quodsi  iam  sint  id,  quod  summo  furore  cupi- 
unt,  adepti,  num  illi  in  cinere  urbis  et  in  sanguine 

15  civium,  quae  mente  conscelerata  ac  nefaria  concupi- 
verunt,  consules  se  aut  dictatores  aut  etiam  reges 
sperant  futuros  ?  Non  vident  id  se  cupere,  quod  si 
adepti  sint,  fugitivo  alicui  aut  gladiatori  concedi  sit 


a    similar  compound   in    I.  §  19. 
quod :  case  ? 
7,  8.  primum  omnium :  see  on 

§  18.  20.  In  this  phrase  the  geni- 
tive plur.  neuter  is  common  as  a 
substantive,  the  gender  being  sug- 
gested by  primum.  vigilare, 
adesse,  providere,  depend  upon 
a  verb  of  saying  to  be  supplied 
from  the  general  idea  of  praecipi- 
endum,  'I  warn  them  that.' 

9-11.  magnas  copias,  sc. 
adesse,  l  are  at  hand,'  from  esse, 
1.  10,  as  maluissent  from  voluissent 
§  18.  25.  This  use  of  a  verb  (esse) 
with  several  words  (animos,  con- 
cordiam, copias),  to  one  of  which 
it  does  not  strictly  apply,  is  called 
zeugma.  invicto,  '  invincible,' 
lit.  '  unconquered : '  the  first  mean- 
ing is  an  inference  only  from  the 
second. 

12,  13.  tantam  vim,  sc. 
quanta  est :  this  slight  ellipsis 
after  tantus  is  found  in  English 
after  'such'  ('such  an  eloquent 
address!')  and  need  not  be  in- 


dicated in  the  translation.  What 
other  words  are  used  in  the  same 
way?  See  on  I.,  17.  16.  prae- 
sentis, '  in  person,'  with  deos* 
Quodsi :  how  does  the  quod  differ 
in  construction  from  the  quod  in 
quod  si,  §  18.  25  ?  summo  furore,, 
abl.  of  manner.  Why  may  the 
preposition  be  here  omitted  ? 

14, 15.  num :  be  sure  to  indicate 
in  the  translation  the  answer 
that  is  expected,  quae,  'things 
which; '  note  that  the  antecedents 
cinere  (cinls),  and  sanguine  are 
masculine,  while  the  relative  is 
neuter;  both  antecedents,  how- 
ever, denote  things  without  life, 
and  in  such  cases  a  relative  (or 
predicate  adj.)  may  be  neuter. 

17, 18.  non  for  nonne  is  used  in 
questions  of  indignant  surprise 
only,  quod  si  adepti  .  .  .  con- 
cedi sit  necesse,  '  which,  if  for 
the  moment  gained,  must  be  sur- 
rendered, etc.:'  quod  is  really  ob- 
ject of  adepti  sint,  see  note  on 
5.  8,  though  the  English  idiom 


130 


ORATIO   IN  CATILINAM   SECUNDA. 


20  necesse  ?     Tertium  genus  est  aetate  iam  adfectum,  sed 

20  tamen  exercitatione  robustum ;  quo  ex  genere  iste  est 
Manlius,  cui  mine  Catilina  succedit.  Hi  sunt  homines 
ex  iis  coloniis,  quas  Sulla  constituit ;  quas  ego  univer- 
sas  civium  esse  optimorum  et  fortissimorum  virorum 
sentio,  sed  tamen  ii  sunt  coloni,  qui  se  in  insperatis  ac 

25  repentinis  pecuniis  sumptuosius  insolentiusque  iacta- 
runt.  Hi  dum  aedificant  tainquam  beati,  dum  praediis 
lectis,  familiis  magnis,  conviviis  apparatis  delectantur, 
in  tantum  aes  alienum  inciderunt,  ut,  si  salvi  esse  velint, 
Sulla  sit  iis  ab  inferis  excitandus;  qui  etiam  non  nullos 

30  agrestis  homines  tenues  atque  egentes  in  eandem  illam 
spem  rapinarum  veterum  impulerunt.  Quos  ego  utros- 
que  in  eodem  genere  praedatorum  direptorumque  pono, 
sed  eos  hoc  moneo,  desinant  furere  ac  proscriptiones 


connects  it  with  concedi,  etc. 
fugitive,  '  runaway  slave'  always; 
give  example  from  Caes  I.,  23.  2. 
Cicero  means  that  if  this  class 
should  succeed  in  establishing  a 
new  order  of  things,  it  would  have 
in  turn  to  yield  to  a  still  lower 
class,  —  that  of  mere  brute  force. 

§  20.  Third  Class:  Veterans  of 
Sulla  —  they  must  not  hope  for 
a  repetition  of  his  reign  of  terror 
(Creighton,  pp.  68,  69;  Allen,  pp. 
180,  181;  Myers,  p.  91;  Pennell, 
p.  114). 

19-21.  aetate  adfectum,  'ad- 
vanced in  years.'  Manlius  is  said 
to  have  been  a  centurion  in  Sulla's 
army. 

22,  23.  coloniis:  note  the  dif- 
ference between  this  word  and  co- 
lonus,  i.,  1.  24.  quas  Sulla  con- 
stituit. Sulla  had  assigned  land 
in  Italy,  especially  in  Etruria,  to 


120,000  of  his  soldiers,  universas, 
'as  a  whole.'  esse:  meaning? 
cf.  §  19.  1. 

25,  26.  sumptuosius  insolen- 
tius  :  standard  omitted,  see  on  §  9. 
3.  se  .  .  .  iactarunt, '  have  plumed 
themselves : '  for  formation  of  verb, 
see  on  §  16.  27.  beati,  '  rich,'  a 
common  meaning  in  Cicero. 

27,  28.  familiis  magnis, '  great 
numbers  of  — ' :  see  on  §  18.  17. 
conviviis  apparatus,  '  splendid 
banquets,'  with  reference  both  to 
the  choice  of  dishes,  and  the  style 
of  serving  them,  salvi,  '  sol- 
vent:' cf.  §  18,  24. 

29-32.  iis :  case  ?  cf .  nobis,  §  11. 
39.  ab  inferis,  '  from  the  dead,' 
abl.  of  separation,  veterum,  '  of 
former  times,'  properly  'of  long 
standing.'  eodem  genere,  in  the 
same  category : '  case  ?  See  on  cor- 
pore  L,  16.38. 


CAP.  9-10  §  19-21. 


131 


et  dictaturas  cogitare.     Tantus  enim  illorum  temporum 
dolor  inustus  est  civitati,  ut  iam  ista  non  modo  homines,  35 
sed  ne  pecudes  quidem  mihi  passurae  esse  videantur. 
x.    Quartum   genus    est    sane    varium    et  mixtum   et  21 
turbulentum ;    qui   iam   pridem   premuntur,  qui   num- 
quam  emergunt,  qui  partim  inertia,  partim  male  gerendo 
negotio,  partim  etiam  sumptibus  in  vetere  aere  alieno 
vacillant,  qui  vadiraoniis,  iudiciis,  proscriptione  bonorum    5 
defetigati  permulti  et  ex  urbe  et  ex  agris  se  in  ilia 
castra  conferre  dicuntur.     Hosce  ego  non  tarn  milites 
acris   quam  infitiatores  lentos  esse   arbitror.     Qui  ho- 


33,  34.  eos  hoc  moneo, '  I  give 
them  this  advice : '  for  case  of  hoc, 
A.  238  6,  note;  G.  331,  Kern.  2; 
H.  375.  desinant :  mood  ?  See 
on  §  6.  6.  What  other  construc- 
tion might  have  been  used  ?  Cf. 
hoc,  etc.,  §  19,  5-6.  tantus,  trans. 
by  adverb  '  so  deeply  is,  etc.' 

35,  36.  inustus  est:  for  the 
metaphor,  see  on  I.,  13.  5.  non 
modo  homines,  sed  ne  .  .  .  qui- 
dem :  a  second  non  must  be  sup- 
plied with  the  first  clause,  *  not 
only  men  do  not  seem,  etc.,  but 
not  even  beasts  (seem,  etc.).' 
Cicero  sometimes  writes  the  full 
form,  non  modo  non ;  but  when  the 
predicate  is  common  to  both 
clauses  he  more  frequently  omits 
the  second  non,  as  here.  It  makes 
a  neater  translation,  however,  to 
connect  the  negative  in  ne  .  .  . 
quidem  with  the  predicate :  '  Not 
only  men,  but  beasts  as  well,  seem 
to  me  wnlikely  to,  etc.'  Notice  the 
difference  between  this  use  of  the 
correlatives  and  that  explained  on 
I.,  25.  6.  pecudes,  typical  of  pa- 
tient suffering;  cf.  Isaiah,  LIII.  7. 


§  21.  Fourth  Class:  Bankrupts 
of  both  town  and  country  —  their 
condition  is  hopeless  and  will  not 
be  improved  by  a  revolution. 

1,  2.  sane,  two  meanings  (a) 
intensive,  'wholly,'  'utterly;'  (6) 
concessive,  'for  all  I  care: '  which 
here?  in  §  15.  17?  turbulen- 
tum, '  heterogeneous : '  the  three 
adj.  are  synonyms.  See  on  I., 
10.8. 

4,  5.  vetere,  in  its  proper  sense, 
see  on  §  20.  31.  vadimoniis  .  .  . 
bonorum, '  securities,  judgments, 
execution ' :  the  three  steps  in 
legal  proceedings  against  debt- 
ors: (1)  They  had  to  furnish  se- 
curity for  their  appearance  on  the 
day  of  trial.  (2)  Judgment  was 
then  pronounced  against  them  in 
due  form.  (3)  By  warrant  of  the 
court  their  property  was  sold. 
bonorum,  substant.  neut.  pi., 
causing  no  difficulty  as  the  two 
words  were  a  formal  legal  phrase. 
See  on  §  18.  20. 

6,  8.  permulti,  '  in  large  num- 
bers:' force  of  per-f  infitia- 
tores lentos,  '  shirking  default- 


132 


ORATIO   IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


mines  quam  primum,  si  stare  non  possunt,  corruant, 

10  sed  ita,   ut  non   modo   civitas,   sed   ne  vicini   quidem 

proximi  sentiant.     Nam  illud  non  intellego,  quam  ob 

rem,  si   vivere    honeste   non    possunt,   perire    turpiter 

velint,  aut  cur  minore  dolore  perituros  se  cum  multis, 

22  quam  si  soli  pereant,  arbitrentur.      Quintum  genus  est 

15  parricidarum,   sicariorum,    denique    omnium    facinero- 

sorum.     Quos  ego  a   Catilina  non  revoco ;  nam  neque 

ab   eo    divelli   possunt   et    pereant  sane  in  latrocinio, 

quoniam   sunt   ita    multi,    ut   eos    career   capere    non 

possit.    Postremum  autem  genus  est  non  solum  numero, 

20  verum  etiam  genere    ipso  atque  vita,  quod  proprium 

Catilinae  est,  de  eius  dilectu,  irnmo  vero  de  complexu 

eius  ac  sinu ;   quos  pexo  capillo   nitidos  aut   inberbis 


ers;'  i.e.,  persons  who  make  all 
sorts  of  excuses  for  not  fulfilling 
promptly  their  engagements. 
Cicero  thinks  they  will  shirk  their 
military  duties  in  the  same  way. 

10.  non     in o do  .  .  .  sed     ne 
.  .  .  quidem :  see  on  §  20.  35-36. 
What  must  be  supplied  ?    In  trans- 
lating connect  the  neg.  with  sen- 
tiant =  'be  ignorant  of.' 

11.  illud,     explained     by     the 
clauses   quam  ob  rem  .  .  .  velint 
and  cur  .  .  .  arbitrentur ;   what 
kind  of  clauses  are  these  ?    Point 
out  in  §§  3  and  6  two  appositive 
clauses  of  different  kinds,  and  ex- 
plain each. 

§  22.  Fifth  Class:  Common 
criminals.  Sixth  Class:  Dissi- 
pated young  men  —  good  riddance 
to  both  ! 

17.  et  pereant,  'and  (I  say 
this)  let  them,  etc. : '  the  et  is  cor- 
relative to  neque  (=  et  ?io?i);  and 
as  unlike  constructions  cannot  be 


connected  by  co-ordinate  conjunc- 
tions, we  must  assume  a  slight 
ellipsis.  See  on  §§  3.  5;  9.  1,  and 
I. ,  16.  38.  sane :  force  here  ?  See 
on  §  21.  1. 

18.  career,  '  the  prison,'  not  '  a 
prison.'     There  was  at  this  time 
but  one  prison  at  Rome,  a  part  of 
which,   called    Tttllianum,  served 
for  the  execution  of  sentences  of 
death,  the  rest  for  temporary  de- 
tention   until  sentence  was  pro- 
nounced.    The   imprisonment    of 
free  men  as  a  punishment  was  ab- 
solutely unknown  at  Rome.     See 
on  I.,  19.  15. 

19,  20.  Postremum,  etc.   '  The 
last  class  is  last,  etc.'     genere, '  in 
kind,'  '  rank: '  give  examples  from 
§§  20,  21,  and  22  of  genus  in  three 
meanings.      quod,     conjunction. 
proprium  Catilinae,  *  Catilina's 
own: '  case  ?    See  on  I.,  12.  26. 

21,  22.  immo  vero :  how  used  ? 
See  on  .1.,  2.  13.      What    other 


CAP.    10,   §  21-23. 


133 


aut  bene  barbatos  videtis,  manicatis  et  talaribus  tunicis, 
veils  amictos,  iion  togis ;  quorum  omnis  industria  vitae 
et  vigilandi  labor  in  antelucanis  cenis  expromitur.     In  23 
his  gregibus   omnes   aleatores,   omnes  adulteri,  omnes  26 
inpuri  inpudicique  versantur.     Mi  pueri  tarn  lepidi  ac 
delicati   non   solum    amare  et  amari  neque  saltare  et 
cantare,  sed   etiam   sicas   vibrare    et   spargere  venena 
didicerunt.      Qui   nisi    exeunt,    nisi    pereunt,    etiamsi  30 
Catilina  perierit,  scitote  hoc  in  re  publica  seminarium 
Catilinarum    futurum.      Verum    tamen    quid   sibi   isti 
miseri  volunt?   num  suas  secum   mulierculas   sunt  in 
castra  ducturi  ?     Quern  ad  modum  autem  illis  carere 
poterunt,  his  praesertim   iam   noctibus  ?     Quo    autem  36 
pacto  illi  Appenninum  atque   illas    pruirias    ac   nives 


phrase  might  have  been  used  ? 
See  on  I.,  5.  23.  pexo  (pecto). 
capillo,  abl.  of  quality  (so  tunicis, 
23),  equivalent  to  an  adjective  and 
so  parallel  with  nitidos,  etc.  All 
these  adjectives  denote  foppish 
peculiarities  unbecoming  the  Ro- 
inan  character. 

22, 23.  inberbis  aut  bene  bar- 
batos, '  without  (a  sign  of)  beard, 
or  heavily  bearded.'  The  former 
was  due  to  their  effeminacy,  in 
consequence  of  which  they  are 
described  as  hermaphrodites.  The 
heavy  beard  was  a  mark  of  affec- 
tation in  Cicero's  time,  as  the 
Romans  were  accustomed  to  shave 
the  beard  first  on  their  twenty- 
first  birthday,  and  to  let  it  grow 
afterwards  only  as  a  sign  of  mourn- 
ing, manicatis  ac  talaribus: 
the  correct  tunic  was  short  and 
sleeveless. 

24.  velis,  etc.,  'wrapped  in 
sails,  not  togas;'  i.e.,  these  fops 


affected  togas  of  unusual  widthr 
which  gave  them  the  appearance 
of  ships  under  full  sail. 

27,  28.  tarn  lepidi :  sc.  what  ? 
See  on  I.,  17.  16,  and  cf.  §  19.  12. 
amari:  see  on  §  8.  23.  saltare 
e  t  cantare,  accomplishments 
which  were  considered  very  dis- 
graceful for  Roman  citizens. 

31,  32.  scitote :  for  this  apodo-. 
sis,  see  on  I.,  23.  17;  for  tense,  A. 
269  e ;  G.  260,  Rem. ;  H.  487,  foot- 
note 1;  P.  527  6.  Give  example 
of  same  tense  in  §  5.  hoc,  for  hos, 
'these  men,'  for  gender  and  num- 
ber, see  A.  195  d;  G.  202  Rem. 
5;  H.  445  4.  sibi  .  .  .  volunt, 
'  mean.' 

35.  his  iam  noctibus:  at  the 
time  when  this  speech  was  deliv- 
ered, the  Roman  calendar  was  in 
great  confusion,  and  it  is  only  by 
hints  such  as  that  in  this  line  that 
we  can  even  approximately  deter- 
mine the  time  of  year  in  which  this 


134 


ORATIO  IX  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


perferent?   nisi  idcirco  se  facilius  hiemem  toleraturos 
putant,  quod  nudi  in  conviviis  saltare  didicerunt. 

24  xi.  O  bellum  magno  opere  pertimescendum,  cum  hanc 
sit  habiturus  Catilina  scortorum  cohortem  praetoriam ! 
Instruite   nunc,   Quirifes,    contra   has    tarn    praeelaras 
Catilinae  copias  vestra  praesidia  vestrosque  exereitus. 

5  Et  primum  gladiatori  illi  confecto  et  saucio  consules 
imperatoresque  vestros  opponite;  deinde  contra  illam 
naufragorum  eiectam  ac  debilitatam  manum  florem 
totius  Italiae  ac  robur  educite.  lam  vero  urbes  colo- 
niarum  ac  municipiorum  respondebunt  Catilinae  tumulis 

10  silvestribus.  Neque  ego  ceteras  copias,  ornamenta, 
praesidia  vestra  cum  illius  latronis  inopia  atque  ege- 

25  state  conferre  debeo.     Sed  si  omissis  his  rebus,  quibus 


particular  November  came.  What 
season  does  Cicero  seem  to  mean  ? 

38.  saltare :  the  complementary 
infinitive  frequently  follows  verbs 
of  knowing  in  the  sense  of  '  know 
how,'  'have  learned  to.'  Cf.  1.  29. 

Explain  case  of  negotio,  aere 
4,  vadimoniis  5,  parricidarum 
15,  eo,  latrocinio  17,  numero 
19,  tunicis  23,  illis  34;  mood  of 
corruant  9,  sentiant  11,  pereant 
14  and  17,  possit  19,  cantare  29. 

Third  Part,  §§  24-26 :  A  compari- 
son of  the  resources  of  the  two 
parties  shows  that  in  open  warfare 
Catilina  is  not  to  be  feared. 

§  24.  2,  3.  cohortem  praeto- 
riam, the  picked  force  of  veterans 
and  personal  friends  which,  since 
the  time  of  the  younger  Scipio,  had 
formed  the  general's  body  guard: 
cf.  Napoleon's  "  Old  Guard."  has 
tam  praeelaras:  use  of  tain? 
See  on  I.,  11.  10. 


4,  5.  praesidia,  as  opposed  to 
exercitus,  means  '  garrisons,'  fixed 
at  certain  definite  places,  gladia- 
tori confecto,  Catilina;  cf.  §  2. 
22,  and  see  on  I.,  29.  5. 

7-9.  florem  ac  robur,  *  the 
strength  and  might,'  a  favorite 
metaphor,  urbes  coloniarum 
ac  municipiorum,  '  cities  of  the 
colonies  and  municipalities.'  Ori- 
ginally coloniae  were  communities 
of  persons  who  had,  and  always 
had  had,  the  Roman  or  Latin 
franchise;  municipia  were  com- 
munities formed  by  Italians,  who 
had  afterwards  been  given  the 
franchise.  In  Cicero's  time  the 
distinction  was  historical  only. 
respondebunt,  *  will  answer/ 
metaphorical  in  English  as  in 
Latin. 

§  25.  12.  conferre,  '  compare/ 
so  contenders,  1.  16.  omissis 
his  rebus,  'saying  nothing  of.' 
Rhetorical  figure  ?  See  on  I.,  14. 


CAP.    10-11,   §  23-25. 


135 


nos  suppeditamur,  eget  ille,  senatu,  equitibus  Romanis, 
urbe,  aerario,  vectigalibus,  cuncta  Italia,  provinciis 
omnibus,  exteris  nationibus,  si  his  rebus  omissis  causas  15 
ipsas,  quae  inter  se  confligunt,  contendere  velimus, 
ex  eo  ipso,  quam  valde  illi  iaceant,  intellegere  possu- 
mus.  Ex  hac  enim  parte  pudor  pugnat,  illinc  petu- 
lantia  ;  hinc  pudicitia,  illinc  stuprum  ;  hinc  fides,  illinc 
f raudatio ;  hinc  pietas,  illinc  scelus ;  hinc  constantia,  20 
illinc  furor ;  hinc  honestas,  illinc  turpitudo ;  hinc  con- 
tinentia,  illinc  lubido;  denique  aequitas,  temperantia, 
fortitude,  prudentia,  virtutes  omnes  certant  cum  ini- 
quitate,  luxuria,  ignavia,  temeritate,  cum  vitiis  omnibus  ; 
postremo  copia  cum  egestate,  bona  ratio  cum  perdita,  26 
mens  sana  cum  amentia,  bona  denique  spes  cum  om- 
nium rerum  desperatione  confligit.  In  eius  modi  cer- 
tamine  ac  proelio  nonne,  si  hominum  studia  deficiant, 


14.  quibus:  used  in  different 
constructions  with  suppeditamur, 
'  with  which,'  and  eget '  of  which.' 
Note  the  absence  of  a  connective 
between  the  verbs:  what  is  it 
called  ?  Cf.  §  12.  6. 

15-17.  si  ...  omissis,  'omit- 
ting, I  say,  etc.,'  the  words  are  re- 
peated on  account  of  the  long  list 
of  ablatives,  causas:  for  mean- 
ing, cf.  §  18.  16.  inter  se  con- 
fligunt, '  grapple  with  each  other.' 
What  case  should  we  expect  for  se  ? 
See  on  usuris,  §  18.  26.  For  the 
accusative,  see  A.  196  /;  G.  212; 
H.  448  note;  P.  449,  1.  veli- 
mus .  .  .  possumus :  for  change 
in  mood,  see  on  §  17.  6. 

18-27.  In  this  long  and  highly 
artificial  antithesis,  the  meaning 
of  each  word  is  more  accurately 


defined  by  the  corresponding  word 
in  the  contrasting  clause,  and  a 
close  attention  to  this  fact  will 
assist  in  the  translation.  The  first 
series  of  qualities,  pudor,  1.  18, 
.  .  .  lubido,  1.  22,  is  summed  up 
(denique),  in  the  four  so-called 
cardinal  virtues,  aequitas  .  .  . 
prudentia;  the  second  series  of 
more  material  qualities;  copia, 
1.  25,  ...  amentia,  1.  26,  is  likewise 
summed  up  (denique  again),  in 
spes  .  .  .  desperatione.  Notice 
then  that  postremo,  1.  25,  is  the 
connecting  link  between  two 
groups  only,  and  that  denique, 
1.  22,  and  denique,  1.  26,  are  in  no 
way  correlative  with  postremo  or 
each  other. 

28.  nonne :    note    position    in 
sentence.     What  words  are  simi- 


136 


ORATIO  IN   CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


di  ipsi  inmortales  cogant  ab  his  praeclarissimis  virtutibus 
so  tot  et  tanta  vitia  superari? 

26  xu.    Quae   cum   ita   sint,    Quirites,    YDS,    quern    ad 
modum  iam  antea  dixi,  vestra  tecta  vigiliis  custodiisque 
defendite ;  mihi,  ut  urbi  sine  vestro  motu  ac  sine  ullo 
tumultu  satis  esset  praesidii,  consultum  atque  provisum 

5  est.  Coloni  omnes  municipesque  vestri  certiores  a  me 
facti  de  hac  nocturna  excursione  Catilinae  facile  urbes 
suas  finesque  defendent ;  gladiatores,  quam  sibi  ille 
manum  certissimam  fore  putavit,  quamquam  ammo 
meliore  sunt  quam  pars  patriciorum,  potestate  tamen 

10  nostra  continebuntur.  Q.  Metellus,  quern  ego  hoc 
prospiciens  in  agrum  Gallicum  Picenumque  praemisi, 
aut  opprimet  hominem  aut  eius  omnis  motus  conatus- 
que  prohibebit.  Reliquis  autern  de  rebus  constituendis, 
maturandis,  agendis  iam  ad  senatum  referemus,  quern 

15  vocari  videtis. 

27  Nunc  illos,  qui  in  urbe  remanserunt,  atque  adeo  qui 


larly  postponed  in  §  15.  26,  and  in 
I.,  17.  13?  What  is  your  answer 
to  Cicero's  question  here  ? 

29.  ab  .  .  .  virtutibus :  why 
the  preposition  ?  See  on  I.,  25.  8. 

Explain  case  of  bellum  1, 
gladiatori  5,  tumulis  9,  inopia 
11,  rebus,  quibus  12,  senatu  13, 
desperatione,  modi  27. 

§  26.  1,  2.  Quae  .  .  .  sint :  see 
on  I.,  20.  16.  dixi,  a  slip  of  the 
memory;  he  has  said  nothing  of 
the  sort.  vigiliis  custodiis : 
distinction  ?  See  on  I.,  B.  26. 

3,4.  mihi:  case?  Cf.  ei,  §  13. 
20.  consultum,  etc.,  'care  has 
been  taken  and  provision  made:' 
what  is  the  subject  ? 


5.  Coloni  .  .  .  vestri,  'your 
fellow-citizens  in  the  colonies,  etc.' 

7,  8.  quam  putavit,  '  although 
he,  etc. : '  the  context  gives  the 
concessive  force,  quamquam,  as 
in  §  16.  26:  the  clause  is  paren- 
thetical, and  quamquam  is  not 
correlative  with  tamen,  1.  9. 

11.  Gallicum,  Picenum:  see 
on  §  5.  3,  and  point  out  on  Map  II. 

14, 15.  quern  vocari :  the  sen- 
ators were  summoned  to  important 
meetings  by  praecones,  '  heralds ' 
(p.  75,  §  103,  cf.  our  sergeants-at- 
arms),  and  the  people  cquld  see 
these  heralds  hurrying  to  and  fro. 

§  27.  Threats  and  warnings  for 
the  conspirators. 

16, 17.  illos,  subject  of  monitos 


CAP.    11-12,   §  25-27. 


137 


contra  urbis  salutem  omniumque  vestrum  in  urbe  a 
Catilina  relicti  sunt,  quamquam  sunt  hostes,  tamen, 
quia  sunt  cives,  monitos  etiam  atque  etiam  volo.  Mea 
lenitas  adhuc  si  cui  solutior  visa  est,  hoc  expectavit,  ut  20 
id,  quod  latebat,  erumperet.  Quod  reliquum  est,  iam 
iion'  possum  oblivisci  meam  haric  esse  patriam,  me 
horum  esse  consulem,  mihi  aut  cum  his  vivendum  aut 
pro  his  esse  moriendum.  Nullus  est  portis  custos, 
millus  insidiator  viae ;  si  qui  exire  volunt,  conivere  25 
possum;  qui  vero  se  in  urbe  commoverit,  cuius  ego 
non  modo  factum,  sed  inceptum  ullum  conatumve 
contra  patriam  deprehendero,  sentiet  in  hac  urbe  esse 
consules  vigilantis,  esse  egregios  magistratus,  esse 
fortem  senatum,  esse  arina,  esse  carcerem,  quern  vin-  30 
dicem  nefariorum  ac  manifestorum  scelerum  maiores 
nostri  esse  voluerunt. 


(esse),  1.  19.  Its  emphatic  position 
may  be  indicated  by  translating '  as 
to  those.'  atque  adeo :  mean- 
ing here?  See  on  I.,  5.  23.  ves- 
trum: what  should  we  expect? 
Cf.  I.,  9.  12.  When  can  the  form 
here  found  be  used  ?  See  on  I., 
14.  21. 

19,  20.  monitos  volo:  for 
tense,  cf.  interfectum  esse,  §  3.  5. 
adhuc  modifies  mea  lenitas,  <  my 
forbearance  up  to  this  point,'  a 
rare  use  of  the  adverb  as  an  attrib- 
utive adjective.  For  its  use  as 
a  predicate  adj.,  see  on  I.,  19.  8. 
hoc,  explained  by  ut  .  .  .  erum- 
peret, cf.  §  6.  1  ;  for  the  ellipsis 
see  on  §  3.  5. 

21.  Quod  reliquum  est,  <  as  to 
the  rest ; '  for  this  clause,  see  A.  333, 
a ;  G.  525,  Rem.  2;  H.  516  2  note. 


23.  horum,  his,  the  loyal  citi- 
zens whom  he  is  addressing:  in 
strong  contrast  to  illos,  1.  16. 
mihi:  how  does  this  use  of  the 
dative  differ  from  that  in  §  26.  3? 

26,  27.  qui  =  siquis :  see  on 
quicquid,  I.,  18.  37.  What  kind 
of  a  pronoun  is  qui  here,  and  in 
1.  25?  non  modo  .  .  .  sed:  see 
on  §  8.  28,  and  give  the  formula. 

30.  carcerem:  what  function 
of  the  prison  is  meant  ?  See  on 
§  22.  18.  In  whose  charge  was  the 
prison  ?  P.  67,  §  68. 

32.  voluerunt,  '  meant,'  '  in- 
tended.' 

Explain  case  of  vigiliis  2,  urbi 
3,  praesidii  4,  me  5,  animo  8, 
motus  12,  scelerum  31;  point 
out  three  expressions  for  the  agent 
of  a  passive  verb. 


138 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


28  xni.  Atque  haec  omnia  sic  agentur,  Quirites,  ut  maxu- 
mae  res  minimo  motu,  pericula  summa  nullo  tumultu, 
bellum  intestinum  ac  domesticum  post  hominum  me- 
moriam   crudelissimum   et   maximum    me    uno   togato 

5  duce  et  imperatore  sedetur.  Quod  ego  sic  administrate, 
Quirites,  ut,  si  ullo  modo  fieri  poterit,  ne  inprobus 
quidem  quisquam  in  bac  urbe  poenam  sui  sceleris 
sufferat.  Sed  si  vis  manifestae  audaciae,  si  inpendens 
patriae  periculum  me  necessario  de  hac  animi  lenitate 

10  deduxerit,  illud  profecto  perficiam,  quod  in  tan  to  et 
tarn  insidioso  bello  vix  optandum  videtur,  ut  neque 
bonus  quisquam  intereat  paucorumque  poena  vos 

29  omnes    salvi    esse    possitis.     Quae    quidem  ego  neque 
mea  prudentia  neque  humanis  consiliis  fretus  polliceor 

15  vobis,  Quirites,  sed  multis  et  non  dubiis  deorum  in- 
mortalium  significationibus,  quibus  ego  ducibus  in  hanc 
spem  sententiamque  sum  ingressus;  qui  iam  non  pro- 
cul,  ut  quondam  solebant,  ab  externo  hoste  atque 
longinquo,  sed  hie  praesentes  suo  numine  atque  auxilio 


§  28.  Comfort  and  encourage- 
ment for  the  loyal  (§§  28.  29). 

4.  me  togato.  As  the  toga  was 
the  cjvil  dress  worn  by  citizens 
and  magistrates  in  the  city  op- 
posed to  the  sagum  and  paluda- 
mentum  worn  by  the  soldier  and 
the  general  in  the  field,  we  may 
trans. :  '  with  me,  a  civil  magis- 
trate, as  your  only  leader  and  gen- 
eral.' Cicero  prided  himself  espe- 
cially upon  having  thwarted  the 
designs  of  the  conspirators  without 
the  aid  of  an  armed  force. 

11, 12.  vix  optandum, '  almost 
beyond  hope:'  the  gerundive  ap- 
proaches dangerously  near  to  the 


idea  of  *  possibility;'  cf.  §  10.2  1. 
neque  .  .  .  paucorumque  — 
neque  .  .  .  neque  multorum,  a 
rare  variation  for  neque  .  .  .  et 
paucorum.  Trans,  -que  by  'but.' 
Madvig,  433.  2:  If  a  negative  prop- 
osition is  followed  by  an  affirmative 
in  which  the  same  thought  is  ex- 
pressed or  continued,  -que,  ac,  or 
et  is  employed  in  Latin,  where  in 
English  we  use  but. 

§  29.  16.  significationibus, 
'signs,'  *  tokens,'  such  as  earth- 
quakes, unusual  thunder  and  light- 
ning, etc.,  instances  of  which, 
occurring  at  this  time,  are  given 
in  the  third  oration. 


CAP.   13,   §  28-29. 


139 


sua  templa  atque   urbis  tecta   defendunt.     Quos   vos,  20 
Quirites,  precari,  venerari,  implorare  debetis,  ut,  quam 
urbem  pulcherrimam  florentissimamque  esse  voluerunt, 
hanc  omnibus  hostium  copiis  terra   marique  superatis 
a  perditissimorum  civium  nefario  scelere  defendant. 


23,  24.  The  emphatic  words  are 
hostium  and  civium.  terra 
marique,  loc.  ablatives :  the  regu- 
ar  prepositions  may  be  omitted 
with  these  words  only  when  the 
two  words  are  found  together,  as 
here. 

Explain  the  ablatives  motu  2, 


me  4,  duce  5,  modo  6,  urbe  7, 
lenitate  9,  poena  12,  prudentia 
14,  hoste  18,  auxilio  19,  copiis 

23.  Write  out  an  outline  of  the 
speech,  showing  the  several  parts 
into  which  it  is  divided,  and  giving 
a  summary  of  the  arguments  em- 
ployed in  each. 


EXCURSUS  I. 


THE  AFFAIR  OF  THE  ALLOBROGES. 


[Sallust,  Cap.  39.  6-41 ;  44-47.    Text  of  Schmalz.] 


39. 


6 Eisdein  tempori- 

bus  Romae  Lentulus,  sicuti  Cati- 
lina  praeceperat,  quoscumque 
moribus  aut  fortuna  novis  rebus 
idoneos  credebat,  aut  per  se  aut 
per  alios  sollicitabat,  neque  solum 
civis,  sed  cuiusque  modi  genus 
hominum,  quodmodo  bello  usui 
foret. 

40.  Igitur  P.  Umbreno  cuidam 
negotium  dat,  uti  legatos  Allobro- 
gum  requirat,  eosque,  si  possit, 
impellat  ad  societatem  belli,  ex- 
istumans  publice  privatimque  aere 
alieno  oppresses,  praeterea  quod 
natura  gens  Gallica  bellicosa  esset, 
facile  eos  ad  tale  consilium  ad- 


duci  posse.  Umbrenus,  quod  in  2 
Gall  i  a  negotiatus  erat,  plerisque 
principibus  civitatiuin  notus  erat 
atque  eos  noverat.  Itaque  sine 
mora,  ubi  priinum  legatos  in  foro 
conspexit,  percontatus  pauca  de 
statu  civitatis  et  quasi  dolens  eius 
casum  requirere  coepit,  quern  ex- 
ituin  tantis  malis  sperarent.  Post-  3 
quam  illos  videt  queri  de  avaritia 
magistratuum,  accusare  senatum 
quod  in  eo  auxili  nihil  esset,  mise- 
riis  suis  remedium  mortem  ex- 
spectare,  "  at  ego  "  inquit  "  vobis, 
si  modo  viri  esse  voltis,  rationem 
ostendam,  qua  tanta  ista  mala  effu- 
gialis."  Haec  ubi  dixit,  Allo-  4 
broges  in  maxumam  spem  adducti 


140 


ORATIO  IN  CATILINAM  SECUNDA. 


Umbrenum  orare,  ut  sui  miserere- 
tur:  nihil  tam  asperum  neque  tarn 
difficile  esse,  quod  non  cupidis- 
sume  facturi  essent,  dum  ea  res 
civitatem  aere  alien o  liberaret. 

5  Ille  eos  in  doinum  D.  Bruti  per- 
ducit,  quod  foro  propinqua  erat 
neque  aliena  consili  propter  Sem- 
proniam:     nam    turn    Brutus    ab 

6  Roma     aberat.       Praeterea     Ga- 
binium   arcessit,   quo  maior  auc- 
toritas      sermoni      inesset.        Eo 
praesente    coniurationem    aperit, 
nominat  socios,  praeterea  multos 
cuiusque    generis    innoxios,    quo 
legatis     animus     amplior     esset. 
Deinde  eos  pollicitos  operam  suam 
domuin  dimittit. 

41.  Sed  Allobroges  diu  in  in- 
certo  habuere,  quidnam  consili 

2  caperent:  in  altera  parte  erat  aes 
alienum,    studium     belli,    inagna 
merces  in  spe  victoriae,  at  in  al- 
tera maiores  opes,  tuta  consilia, 
pro    incerta    spe    certa    praemia. 

3  Haec  illis  volventibus,  tandem  vicit 
fortuna  rei   publicae.     Itaque  Q. 

4  Fabio    Sangae,    cuius    patrocinio 
civitas  plurumum   utebatur,   rem 
omnem,  uti  cognoverant,  aperiunt. 

•5  Cicero,  per  Sangam  consilio  cog- 
nito,  legatis  praecepit,  ut  studium 
coniurationis  vehementer  simu- 
lent,  ceteros  adeant,  bene  polli- 
ceantur,  dentque  operam  uti  eos 
qtrnm  maxume  manufestos  hab- 
eant. 

44.  Sed  Allobroges  ex  praecepto 
Ciceronis  per  Gabinium  ceteros 
conveniunt;  ab  Lentulo  Cethego 
Statilio,  item  Cassio  postulant  ius 
iurandum,  quod  signatum  ad  civis 
perferant:  aliter  baud  facile  eos 
ad  tantum  negotium  impelli  posse. 


Ceteri  nihil  suspicantes  dant,  Cas-  2 
sius  semet  eo  brevi  venturum  pol- 
licetur  ac   paulo   ante  legates  ex 
urbe  proficiscitur.     Lentulus  cum  3 
eis  T.  Volturcium  quendam  Cro- 
toniensem  mittit,  ut   Allobroges, 
prius  quam  domum  pergerent,  cum 
Catilina   data  atque  accepta  fide 
societatem  confirmarent.  IpseVol-  4 
turcio  litteras  ad  Catilinara   dat, 
quarum  exemplum  infra  scriptum 
est:  "Qui  sim,  ex  eo  quern  ad  te 
misi  cognosces.      Fac   cogites,  in  5 
quanta  calamitate   sis,    et  memi- 
neris    te  virum   esse:    consideres 
quid  tuae  ration  es  postulent:  aux- 
iliuin  petas  ab  omnibus,  etiam  ab 
inn'mis."      Ad  hoc  mandata  ver-  6 
bis  dat:  cum  ab  senatu  hostis  iu- 
dicatus   sit,   quo   consilio  servitia 
repudiet?     In  urbe  parata    esse 
quae  iusserit:  ne  cunctetur  ipse 
propius  accedere. 

45.  His  rebus  ita  actis,  consti- 
tuta  nocte  qua  proficiscerentur, 
Cicero  per  legates  cuncta  edoctus 
L.  Yalerio  Flacco  et  C.  Pomp- 
tino  praetoribus  imperat,  ut  in 
ponte  Mulvio  per  insidias  Allo- 
broguin  comitatus  deprehendant; 
rem  omnem  aperit,  cuius  gratia 
mittebantur;  cetera,  uti  facto  opus 
sit,  ita  agant,  permittit.  Illi,  homi-  2 
nes  militares,  sine  tumultu  prae- 
sidiis  conlocatis,  sicuti  praeceptum 
erat,  occulte  pontem  obsidunt. 
Postquam  ad  id  loci  legati  cum  3 
Volturcio  venerunt  et  simul  utrim- 
que  clamor  exortus  est,  Galli 
cito  cognito  consilio  sine  mora 
praetoribus  se  tradunt.  Voltur-  4 
cius  primo  cohortatus  ceteros 
gladio  se  a  multidine  defendit, 
deinde  ubi  a  legatis  desertus  est, 
multa  prius  de  salute  sua  Pomp- 


EXCUKSUS  I. 


141 


tinum  obtestatus,  quod  ei  notus 
erat,  postremo  timidus  ac  vitae 
diffidens  velut  hostibus  sese  prae- 
toribus  dedit. 

46.  Quibus  rebus  confectis  om- 
nia  propere  per  nuntios  consul!  de- 

2  clarantur.     At  ilium  ingens  cura 
atque    laetitia  simul  occupavere: 
nam  laetabatur  intellegens  coniu- 
ratione  patefacta  civitatem  pericu- 
lis    ereptam    esse,    porro    autem 
anxius  erat  dubitans,  in  maxurao 
scelere  tantis  civibus  deprehensis 
quid  facto    opus    esset  :    poenam 
illorum    sibi    oneri,   impunitatem 
perdundae  rei  publicae  fore  crede- 

3  bat.     Igitur  confirmato  animo  vo- 
cari     ad     sese     iubet    Lentulum 
Cethegum    Statilium    Gabinium, 
itemque    Caeparium    Terracinen- 
sem,    qui    in    Apuliam    ad    con- 
citanda  servitia  proficisci  parabat. 

4  Ceteri  sine  mora  veniunt,  Caepa- 
rius,   paulo  ante  domo   egressus, 
cognito  indicio  ex  urbe  profugerat. 
Consul   Lentulum,   quod    praetor 
erat,  ipse  manu  tenens  perducit, 
reliquos  cum  custodibus  in  aedem 

5  Concordiae  venire  iubet.    Eo  sena- 
tum  advocat  magnaque  frequen- 
tia  eius  ordinis  Volturcium   cum 
legatis   introducit,  Flaccum  prae- 
torem  scrinium  cum  litteris,  quas 
a  legatis  acceperat,  eodem  adferre 
ubet. 

47.  Yolturcius  interrogatus   de 


itinere,  de  litter^,  postremo  quid 
ant  qua  de  causa  consili  habuisset, 
primo  fingere  alia,  dissimulare  de 
coniuratione :  post,  ubi  fide  publica 
dicere  iussus  est,  omnia  uti  gesta 
erant  aperit,  docetque  se  paucis 
ante  diebus  a  Gabinio  et  Caepario 
sociuui  adscitum  nibil  amplius 
scire  quam  legates;  tantum  modo 
audire  solitum  ex  Gabinio  P.  Au- 
tronium  Ser.  Sullam  L.  Var- 
gunteium,  multos  praeterea  in  ea 
coniuratione  esse.  Eadem  Galli 
fatentur  ac  Lentulum  dissimulan- 
teni  coarguunt  praeter  litteras  ser- 
monibus,  quos  ille  habere  solitus 
erat:  ex  libris  Sibyllinis  regnum 
Romae  tribus  Corneliis  portendi; 
Cinnain  atque  Sullam  antea,  se 
tertium  esse,  cui  fatum  foret  urbis 
potiri ;  praeterea  ab  incenso  Capi- 
tolio  ilium  esse  vigesumum  annum 
quern  saepe  ex  prodigiis  harus- 
pices  respondissent  bello  civili 
cruentum  fore.  Igitur  perlectis 
litteris,  cum  prius  omnes  sigiH  sua 
cognovissent,  senatus  decernit,  uti, 
abdicate  magistratu,  Lentulus 
itemque  ceteri  in  liberis  custodiis 
habeantur.  Itaque  Lentulus  P. 
Lentulo  Spintheri,  qui  turn  aedilis 
erat,  Cethegus  Q.  Cornificio, 
Statilius  C.  Caesari,  Gabinius  M. 
Crasso,  Caeparius  (nam  is  paulo 
ante  ex  fuga  retractus  erat)  Cn, 
Terentio  senatori  traduntur. 


M.  TULLI  CICERONIS 
PRO   L.  MURENA   ORATIO. 


1        I.  Quod  precatus  a  dis  immortalibus  sum,  iudices, 
more   institutoque    maiorum    illo    die,    quo    auspicato 


TITLE  :  M.  Tulli  Ciceronis :  see 
on  I.  Title.  Pro,  '  in  behalf  of.' 
L.  Murena.  The  plebeian  family 
of  which  L.  Licinius  Murena  was 
a  member  came  from  Lanuvium, 
and  belonged  to  the  new  nobility. 
It  had  never  boasted  a  consulship; 


In  65  he  gained  the  praetorship, 
having  Sulpicius  again  for  a  col- 
league, and  was  so  fortunate  as  to 
get  by  lot  the  juris  dictio  urbana, 
while  to  Sulpicius  fell  the  irksome 
task  of  conducting  the  inquiries 
de  peculatu.  As  praetor  urbanus 


in    fact,    Murena' s    great-grand- |  Murena  celebrated  with  great  pomp 
father  was  the  first  of  his  line  to  I  the    ludi  Apollinares, —  his    first 


gain  the  praetorship,  and  Murena' s 
father,  who  had  been  Sulla's  lega- 
tus  in  Greece  and  Asia,  was  the 
most  distinguished  of  the  family. 
Murena's  claims  for  the  consul- 
ship rested  upon  his  honorable 
services  in  the  field.  On  the  staff 
of  his  father,  whom  Sulla  had  left 
in  Asia  as  propraetor  with  two 
legions  in  84,  he  served  against 
Mithradates.  At  the  close  of  the 
campaign  he  returned  to  Rome, 
and  was  elected  quaestor  along 
with  Servius  Sulpicius,  his  present 
accuser.  Without  having  distin- 
guished himself  in  his  office,  he 
returned  to  Asia,  and,  in  74,  took 
part  as  legatus  of  L.  Lucullus  in 
the  third  war  with  Mithradates. 


opportunity,  as  he  had  not  been 
aedile,  to  thus  gain  the  favor  of 
the  people  (p.  20,  §  21).  As  pro- 
praetor he  went,  in  64,  to  further 
Gaul,  where,  by  his  justice  and 
integrity,  he  became  very  popular. 
In  63  he  returned  to  Rome  to  can- 
vass for  the  consulship,  having 
for  the  third  time  Sulpicius  as  one 
of  his  competitors.  For  the  result, 
see  p.  28,  §§  42-44.  Oratio :  see 
p.  33,  §  56. 

Exordium,  §  1-10.  §  1,  1  —  §  2. 
23:  The  prayer  I  uttered  at  the 
consular  elections  is  still  in  my 
thoughts;  do  you,  gentlemen,  as 
representing  the  gods,  protect 
Murena! 


142 


CAP.   1,   §  1. 


148 


comitiis  centuriatis  L.  Murenam  consulem  renuntiavi, 
ut  ea  res  mihi,  fidei  magistratuique  meo,  populo  ple- 
bique  Romanae  bene  atque  feliciter  eveniret,  idem  5 
precor  ab  isdem  dis  immortalibus  ob  eiusdem  homiriis 
consulatum  una  cum  salute  obtinendum,  et  ut  vestrae 
mentes  atque  sententiae  cum  populi  Roman!  volun- 
tatibus  suffragiisque  consentiant  eaque  res  vobis  po- 
puloque  Romano  pacem,  tranquillitatem,  otium  con-  10 
cordiamque  adferat.  Quodsi  ilia  sollemnis  comitiorum 
praecatio  consularibus  auspiciis  consecrata  tantam  habet 
in  se  vim  et  religionem,  quantam  rei  publicae  dignitas 
postulat,  idem  ego  sum  precatus,  ut  eis  quoque  homi- 


§  1.  1.    Quod  precatus  sum. 

One  of  the  consuls,  determined  by 
lot  or  by  mutual  agreement,  pre- 
sided over  the  election  of  the  suc- 
ceeding consuls,  and  opened  it 
formally  with  a  solemn  sacrifice 
and  ]arayer.  iudices,  '  gentle- 
men.' The  jurors  were  selected 
from  citizens  of  senatorial  and 
equestrian  rank,  one-third  from 
the  former,  two-thirds  from  the 
latter;  of  the  equestrians,  however, 
one-half  had  to  be  tribuni  aerarii, 
the  presiding  officers  of  the  thirty- 
five  tribes  into  which  the  people 
were  divided. 

2.  die :  the  precise  day  is  un- 
known, but  the  consular  election 
was  regularly  held  in  July  (p.  64, 
§  53),  and  there  is  no  reason  to  be- 
lieve that  it  was  long  postponed  on 
this  occasion,  p.  28,  §  44.  aus- 
picato, '  after  taking  the  auspices,' 
an  impers.  abl.  abs.  A.  255,  c  : 
G.  438,  R.  2;  H.  431,  n  2.  On  the 
importance  of  the  auspices,  see 
p.  71,  §  84. 


3.  renuntiavi,    'returned'   (cf. 
our  *  returning  board ').    After  the 
herald  had  announced  the  votes 
of    the    single    centuries     (p.  60, 
§§  35,  36),  and  the  final  vote  of 
all,  the  presiding  consul  formally 
named  the  successful  candidates. 

4.  mihi,  fidei,  magistratuique, 
an  old    formula,   in  which  fidei 
seems  to  mean    '  honor,'    '  trust- 
worthiness.'    populo  plebique- 
This  phrase,  .dating  from  the  time 
when    patricians    only  were    full 
citizens,  is  found  only  in  prayers, 
oracles,  and  legal  formulas. 

7.  ob  . .  .  obtinendum, '  for  the 
purpose  of  making  good.'  salute, 
'  security,'  when  used  of  a  defend- 
ant almost  means  '  acquittal.'  et 
ut  connects  the  following  clause 
with  idem. 

14,  15.  idem,  nom.  sing,  me 
rogante:  sc.  populum,  =  me  co- 
mitia  habente.  The  presiding  con- 
sul was  supposed  to  ask  the  people 
whom  they  would  have  to  succeed 
him. 


144 


PRO  L.   MURENA  ORATIO. 


15  nibus,  quibus  hie  consulatus  me  rogante  datus  esset, 

2  ea   res   fauste,   feliciter  prospereque   eveniret.      Quae 
cum  ita  sint,  iudices,  et   cum    omnis   deorum   immor- 
talium    potestas    aut   translata   sit   ad   vos   aut   certe 
communicata    vobiscum,    idem    consulem  vestrae  fidei 

20  commendat,  qui  antea  dis  immortalibus  commendavit, 
ut  eiusdem  hominis  voce  et  declaratus  consul  et  de- 
fensus  beneficium  populi  Roman!  cum  vestra  atque 
omnium  civium  salute  tueatur. 

Et   quoniam   in   hoc    officio    studium    meae    defen- 

25  sionis  ab  accusatoribus  atque  etiam  ipsa  susceptio 
causae  reprehensa  est,  antequam  pro  L.  Murena  dicere 
instituo,  pro  me  ipso  pauca  dicam,  non  quo  mihi 
potior  hoc  quidem  in  tempore  sit  officii  mei  quam 
huiusce  salutis  defensio,  sed  ut  meo  facto  vobis  pro- 

30  bato  maiore  auctoritate  ab  huius  honore,  fama 
fortunisque  omnibus  inimicorum  impetus  propulsare 
possim. 

3  II.    Et  primurn  M.  Catoni  vitam  ad  certam  rationis 


§  2.  18, 19.  translata  sit.    The 

verdict  of  the  jurors  will  voice  the 
will  of  heaven,  fidei,  *  protection. ' 

22.  beneficium,  '  favor,'  often 
used  as  here  of  a  mark  of  favor, 
hence  '  distinction  conferred  by,' 
'  office  bestowed  by.' 

Justification  of  his  conduct, 
1.  24-§  10,  in  defending  Murena 
when  his  two  friends,  Cato  and 
Sulpicius,  were  prosecuting  him. 

24-27.  hoc  officio,  'this  ser- 
vice' to  Murena.  studium, 
'zeal,9  'energy.'  non  quo  .  .  . 
sit,  'not  that,  etc.'  A.  321,  R. ; 
G.  541,  R.  1;  H.  516,  II.,  2;  P. 
521. 


§  3.  1.  M.  Catoni.  M.  Porcius 
Cato,  great-grandson  of  the  famous 
censor  of  the  same  name,  was  born 
in  95.  He  was  noted  for  a  rugged 
firmness  of  character,  acquired  in 
early  life,  but  intensified  by  his 
strict  adherence  to  the  stern  prin- 
ciples of  the  Stoic  school.  A  man 
whose  name  stood  for  uprightness 
itself,  for  a  narrow  but  unflinching 
devotion  to  duty  as  he  saw  it,  for 
morality  of  life  and  frugal  sim- 
plicity, he  was  feared  rather  than 
loved  by  men  of  his  own  party, 
and  hated  by  his  foes.  Cicero 
seems  to  have  valued  his  worth 
highly,  but  to  have  looked  upon 


In  Catinum. 

(Pensa  in  Latin um  Sermonem  Vertenda,} 
J.  D.  S.  RIGGS,  PH.D. 

Based  on  the  first   four  books  of  Ccesar. 


This  book  is  an  outgrowth  of  the  idea  that  the  true  way  to  teach 
Latin  prose  composition  is  in  connection  with  the  reading  of  classical 
authors.  By  competent  critics  it  has  been  pronounced  the  best  book 
published,  on  this  plan  of  teaching  this  very  difficult  subject. 

The  plan  of  each  pensum  is: 

I.     IN  GRAMMATICIS  STUDE: 

To  give  a  few  grammatical  principles,  with  references  to  the  lead- 
ing grammars,  which  are  found  in  the  text  used  as  the  basis  of  the 
lesson.  These  are  to  be  thoroughly  learned.  In  this  way  all  the 
rules  of  syntax  are  treated  by  the  time  the  student  has  completed 
the  reading  of  Caesar. 

t.     LATINE  LOQUERE: 

To  give  a  few  short  sentences,  each  complete  in  itself,  based  on 
the  text  of  the  lesson,  which  are  to  be  orally  translated  into  Latin. 

3.  LATINE  SCRIBE: 

To  give  a  connected  paragraph,  as  a  kind  of  summary  of  each 
chapter,  in  which  the  idioms  are  retained  and  the  vocabulary  of 
the  chapter  is  used.  This  is  to  be  the  written  composition  of  the 
lesson.  ,  * 

4.  LATINE  RESPONDE: 

To  give  a  few  questions  in  Latin  which  can  be  answered  by  a  va- 
riation or  a  new  arrangement  of  the  words  of  the  text. 
Thus  each  lesson  is  a  connected,  systematic,  logical  whole,  consist- 
ing of  grammar  work,  oral  and  written  composition  and  Latin  conversa- 
tion.    In  this  way  the  student  memorizes  thoroughly  the  vocabulary  and 
masters  the  constructions  and  idioms  of  the  text. 

A  glossary  is  given  for  words  not  found  in  the  text. 
A  complete  index  is  given  at  the  close  of  the  book  so  that  any  point 
may  be  readily  found. 

INTRODUCTION  PRICE,  PREPAID,  50  CENTS. 


ROYAL  ROAD 

THROUGH 


LOWE  &  EWING'S  EDITION. 


Otterbein  University,  Westerville,  Ohio.      Professor  Geo.  Sc< 
I  am  particularly  pleased  with  the  following  features: 

ist.     Its  mechanical  make  up.     The  large  clear  type- 
in  an  elementary  text-book. 

2d.     The  arrangement  of  the   vocabularies.     This    will  pi 
great  time  saver. 

3d.  Position  of  the  notes.  These  placed  where  they  can  be  con- 
sulted during  the  study  of  the  lesson,  will  most  surely  furnish  the  aid 
which  they  were  intended  to  give.  If  notes  are  intended  for  use 
they  should  be  placed  where  they  can  be  used  most  convenu 

4th.     The  TEXT  EDITION  FOR  CLASS  USE.     In  class  I  believe  the 
student  should  be  thrown  entirely  on  his  own  responsibility.     The 
furnishing  of  a  text  edition  secures  this  end.     Ample  help  i,i  the 
most  convenient  form  is  furnished  for  the  preparation  of  ti 
and  in  class  the  pupil  is  tested  as  to  what  extent  he  has  availed 
self  of  this  aid. 

5th.      The  marking  of  the  long  vowels  in  the  text.      This  is  M     h 
sensible  arrangement  that  it  seems  strange  that  it  has  not  _ 
been  done  before.      By  this  arrangement  the  learner   unconscious!'. 
and  without  loss  of  time  acquires  a  correct  accent  —  no  small  ad 
tage. 

I  am  pleased  also  with  the  general  features  of  the  book—  the  care 
ful  introduction,  accurate  and  scholarly  notes,   and  profuse  illustra- 
tions.    With  such  a  book  it  almost  seems  that  there  is  a  royal  n 
to  learning." 

Finely  bound  in  cloth.      Introduction  price,  prepaid,  $1.25.     Texts  sup- 
plied to  teachers  FREE  for  entire  class.      These  texts  will  be  suppi 
.5  cents  each,  where  another  edition  than  ours  is  used 

ALBERT,  SCOTT  &  CO., 

KI>rCATIOXAL,    I'l   ISMSin   |{x. 

106  WABASH  AVENUE,  CHICAGO. 


14  DAY  USE 

RETURN  TO  DESK  FROM  WHICH  BORROWED 

LOAN  DEPT. 

This  book  is  due  on  the  last  date  stamped  below,  or 

on  the  date  to  which  renewed. 
RenewecLbpoks  are  subject  to  immediate  recall. 


REC'D  LI 


FEB271961 


FEB  1  6"1966     4 


LOAN 


LD  21A-50m-4,'6( 
(A9562slO)476B 


General  Library 

University  of  California 

Berkeley 


